The Global Drug Policy Index: tracking national drug policies

The Lancet ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 398 (10313) ◽  
pp. 1788-1789
Author(s):  
Jacqui Thornton
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (S1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fosiul Alam Nizame ◽  
Dewan Muhammad Shoaib ◽  
Emily K. Rousham ◽  
Salma Akter ◽  
Mohammad Aminul Islam ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The National Drug Policy in Bangladesh prohibits the sale and distribution of antibiotics without prescription from a registered physician. Compliance with this policy is poor; prescribing antibiotics by unqualified practitioners is common and over-the-counter dispensing widespread. In Bangladesh, unqualified practitioners such as drug shop operators are a major source of healthcare for the poor and disadvantaged. This paper reports on policy awareness among drug shop operators and their customers and identifies current dispensing practices, barriers and facilitators to policy adherence. Methods We conducted a qualitative study in rural and urban Bangladesh from June 2019 to August 2020. This included co-design workshops (n = 4) and in-depth interviews (n = 24) with drug shop operators and customers/household members, key informant interviews (n = 12) with key personnel involved in aspects of the antibiotic supply chain including pharmaceutical company representatives, and model drug shop operators; and a group discussion with stakeholders representing key actors in informal market systems namely: representatives from the government, private sector, not-for-profit sector and membership organizations. Results Barriers to policy compliance among drug shop operators included limited knowledge of government drug policies, or the government-led Bangladesh Pharmacy Model Initiative (BPMI), a national guideline piloted to regulate drug sales. Drug shop operators had no clear knowledge of different antibiotic generations, how and for what diseases antibiotics work contributing to inappropriate antibiotic dispensing. Nonetheless, drug shop operators wanted the right to prescribe antibiotics based on having completed related training. Drug shop customers cited poor healthcare facilities and inadequate numbers of attending physician as a barrier to obtaining prescriptions and they described difficulties differentiating between qualified and unqualified providers. Conclusion Awareness of the National Drug Policy and the BPMI was limited among urban and rural drug shop operators. Poor antibiotic prescribing practice is additionally hampered by a shortage of qualified physicians; cultural and economic barriers to accessing qualified physicians, and poor implementation of regulations. Increasing qualified physician access and increasing training and certification of drug shop operators could improve the alignment of practices with national policy.


1986 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-671 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjørn Jøldal

The basic aim of a drug policy is to ensure that effective and safe drugs of good quality are available to cover the health needs of a country. A national drug policy should be considered an integral part of any comprehensive health-care policy. The formulation of national drug policies varies even between similar countries because of conflicting interests and different political, economic, and social pressures. It is influenced by such factors as:the health situation of the country;the medical care system;the education and training of health personnel;the social security and health-insurance schemes;drug research and development possibilities;the domestic production of drugs;the determination of the demand for drugs;the system of drug distribution;the possibilities for evaluation and control of drugs; andinternational policies on medicinal products.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Md Aknur Rahman ◽  
Md Riaz Hossain ◽  
Md Aslam Hossain ◽  
Md Shah Amran

Bangladesh approved the proposal for a National Drug Policy on May 29, 1982. We know that such drug policies are developed gradually over a period of time and may contain a lot of comprehensive documents. But in Bangladesh, the expert committee worked out the policy, based on 16 standards within 15 days. This vital document, almost unchanged, was made a law on 12 June 1982. A few years later, it can be observed that despite opposition from many concerns, the output of essential drugs has increased from about 30 to about 80 percent, prices have in almost all cases gone down considerably, the domestic industry has grown rapidly, the quality of its production has increased dramatically, and people’s awareness about quality medicines has been steadily growing. The World Health Organization (WHO) has stressed the need of a formulated drug policy in every country of the world in 1986. Bangladesh responded very early to this respect. Subsequently, two more national drug policies were promulgated in 2005 and 2016 respectively. Experience over the decades has shown that the said policies could not fulfill the declared objective of ensuring health for all. Our aim is to describe some of the lacunae for which total implementation of drug policy is still struggling. To find the root causes, a total of five hundred volunteers were surveyed by supplying a questionnaire on drug policy. It was observed that most of the participants opined that the incumbent government needs to be more stringent to implement the drug policy into reality by utilizing the public servants and public sectors, especially health personnel to ensure health for all. Dhaka Univ. J. Pharm. Sci. 20(1): 41-48, 2021 (June)


2021 ◽  
pp. 145507252110158
Author(s):  
Kenneth Arctander Johansen ◽  
Michel Vandenbroeck ◽  
Stijn Vandevelde

Background: In accordance with recommendations from The United Nations’ Chief Executives Board of Coordination, several countries are in the process of reforming their punitive drug policies towards health-based approaches – from punishment to help. The Portuguese model of decriminalisation is generally seen as a good model for other countries and has been scientifically described in favourable terms, and not much scrutinised. Method: This article draws on foucauldian archaeological and genealogical approaches in order to understand and compare governance logics of the 19th century Norwegian sobriety boards and 21st century Portuguese commissions. In doing this, we problematize contemporary drug policy reform discussions that point to the “Portuguese model”, which aims to stop punishing and start helping drug-dependent people, are problematised. Findings: The Portuguese commissions investigate whether drug-using people are dependent or not. Dependency, circumstances of consumption and their economy are considered when the commission decides on penalising, assisting, or treating the person, or a combination of all this. This model was studied alongside the Norwegian sobriety boards mandated by the Sobriety Act that was implemented in 1932. Sobriety boards governed poor alcoholics. Authorities from the sobriety movement were central in creating sobriety policies that culminated in sobriety boards. The Portuguese commissions have similarities to Norwegian sobriety boards. They make use of sanctions and treatment to govern people who use illicit substances to make them abstain, with the view that this is emancipatory for these people. The different apparatuses have distinct and different ways of making up, and governing their subjects. Conclusion: This article contributes to debates on drug policy reforms and aims to investigate whether they might produce biopower effects of governance masked by an emancipatory language. There is a need for critical studies on drug policy reforms to avoid policies that maintain divisions and control marginalised populations.


Author(s):  
Thomas Babor ◽  
Jonathan Caulkins ◽  
Griffith Edwards ◽  
Benedikt Fischer ◽  
David Foxcroft ◽  
...  
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