Racial Resentment among White Catholics

2017 ◽  
pp. 130-141
Author(s):  
Darren W. Davis ◽  
Donald Pope-Davis
Keyword(s):  
Racial Resentment

Racial Resentment and the Restoration of Voting Rights for Felons

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Wilson ◽  
Michael Leo Owens ◽  
Darren Davis
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
Racial Resentment

Framing Effects and Group Differences in Public Opinion about Prison Pell Grants

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Travis M. Johnston ◽  
Kevin H. Wozniak
Keyword(s):  
College Education ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Pell Grant ◽  
Pell Grants ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Partisanship ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
College Classes ◽  
American Society ◽  
Analyze Data

ABSTRACT After years of gridlock on the issue, a bipartisan group of members of Congress struck a deal in 2020 to restore eligibility for inmates to access Pell Grants. Evidence indicates that college education programs in prison reduce recidivism and, consequently, state corrections expenditures, but legislators in prior decades feared that voters would resent government subsidy of college classes for criminals. To assess the contemporary politics of the issue, we analyze data from a framing experiment embedded in the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. We find that Americans, on average, neither support nor oppose the proposal to restore inmates’ Pell Grant eligibility; however, exposure to arguments about the proposal’s benefits to inmates in particular and American society more broadly both increased subjects’ support. We further explore how this framing effect varies across political partisanship and racial resentment. We find that both frames elicited a positive response from subjects, especially among Democrats and subjects with low or moderate racial resentment.

Masks and racial stereotypes in a pandemic: the case for surgical masks

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Leah Christiani ◽  
Christopher J. Clark ◽  
Steven Greene ◽  
Marc J. Hetherington ◽  
Emily M. Wager
Keyword(s):  
Black People ◽  
Racial Bias ◽  
White Male ◽  
Elevated Risk ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Surgical Masks ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Male Model

Abstract To contain the spread of COVID-19, experts emphasize the importance of wearing masks. Unfortunately, this practice may put black people at elevated risk for being seen as potential threats by some Americans. In this study, we evaluate whether and how different types of masks affect perceptions of black and white male models. We find that non-black respondents perceive a black male model as more threatening and less trustworthy when he is wearing a bandana or a cloth mask than when he is not wearing his face covering—especially those respondents who score above average in racial resentment, a common measure of racial bias. When he is wearing a surgical mask, however, they do not perceive him as more threatening or less trustworthy. Further, it is not that non-black respondents find bandana and cloth masks problematic in general. In fact, the white model in our study is perceived more positively when he is wearing all types of face coverings. Although mandated mask wearing is an ostensibly race-neutral policy, our findings demonstrate the potential implications are not.

Racial Sentiment and Public Support for Arming Teachers with Guns in the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 215336872110389
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Baranauskas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Racial Issue ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Negative Feelings

In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.

Explaining Trump’s Support: What We Saw and Heard At His Campaign Rallies

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Dickinson
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Hard Work ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Economic Anxiety

Abstract More than a year after his surprise victory, scholars continue to debate why Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election. Two explanations – economic anxiety and racial resentment – are commonly cited. Drawing on open-ended interviews with Trump supporters and observations at multiple Trump campaign rallies, we find that both explanations, as commonly presented, do not fully capture the dynamics underlying Trump’s support. Rather than racial animosity or concern over their personal economic status, we believe that Trump’s supporters were primarily focused on what they saw as an increasingly biased political and economic system that no longer rewarded hard work and playing by the rules.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 320-338
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Fault Line ◽  
Southern Identity ◽  
Sexist Attitudes ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Three Components

The Long Southern Strategy was “long” because all three components of the strategy—choosing to exploit white racial angst, fear of feminism, and evangelical righteousness—were necessary to build a solid red base in the states of the old Confederacy. The stark polarization that resulted from these partisan choices unraveled the New Deal coalition. It also redivided white Americans not just along the Mason-Dixon line, but across the imagined fault line of southern identity. Thus, conservatism was redefined on the basis of white southern identity, and that definition became the baseline ideology of the Republican brand nationwide. A partisan sorting and realignment followed. As a result, the distribution of white Americans who harbor Racial Resentment or Modern Sexist attitudes or who identify as Christian fundamentalists is no longer even across the parties, and now, within the GOP, there is not enough opposition to fully suppress such prejudice or religiosity.

The Compound Effects of Candidate Race and Racial Resentment in US House Elections

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-325
Author(s):  
Isaac Hale
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Racial Attitudes ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Theoretical Predictions ◽  
To Receive

AbstractDespite the longstanding underrepresentation of blacks in Congress, political science research has not settled on the cause. While there is increasing evidence that racial attitudes affect vote choice in today's congressional elections, how this effect interacts with the race of the candidates is unknown. This study addresses this debate by analyzing novel survey, census, and candidate data from the Obama era of congressional elections (2010–2016) to test whether racially prejudiced attitudes held by whites decrease their likelihood of supporting black Democratic candidates and Democratic candidates as a whole. In line with theoretical predictions, this paper finds that Democratic House candidates are less likely to receive votes among white voters with strong racial resentment toward blacks, and black Democratic candidates fare even worse. These findings help to explain the persistence of black legislative underrepresentation and contribute to theories of partisan racial realignment.

scholarly journals Who Is Called by the Dog Whistle? Experimental Evidence That Racial Resentment and Political Ideology Condition Responses to Racially Encoded Messages

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 237802311986626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Wetts ◽  
Robb Willer
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
Total N ◽  
Testing Effects ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Conflicting Evidence ◽  
Racial Resentment

Do appeals that subtly invoke negative racial stereotypes shift whites’ political attitudes by harnessing their racial prejudice? Though widely cited in academic and popular discourse, prior work finds conflicting evidence for this “dog-whistle hypothesis.” Here we test the hypothesis in two experiments (total N = 1,797) in which white Americans’ racial attitudes were measured two weeks before they read political messages in which references to racial stereotypes were implicit, explicit, or not present at all. Our findings suggest that implicit racial appeals can harness racial resentment to influence policy views, though specifically among racially resentful white liberals. That dog-whistle effects would be concentrated among liberals was not predicted in advance, but this finding appears across two experiments testing effects of racial appeals in policy domains—welfare and gun control—that differ in the extent and ways they have been previously racialized. We also find evidence that the same group occasionally responded to explicit racial appeals even though these appeals were recognized as racially insensitive. We conclude by discussing implications for contemporary American politics, presenting representative survey data showing that racially resentful, white liberals were particularly likely to switch from voting for Barack Obama in 2012 to Donald Trump in 2016.

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