Racial Sentiment and Public Support for Arming Teachers with Guns in the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 215336872110389
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Baranauskas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Racial Issue ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Negative Feelings

In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.

Questions

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Michael J. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The U.S

We have investigated the differences in support for the U.S. Supreme Court among black, Hispanic, and white Americans, catalogued the variation in African Americans’ group attachments and experiences with legal authorities, and examined how those latter two factors shape individuals’ support for the U.S. Supreme Court, that Court’s decisions, and for their local legal system. We take this opportunity to weave our findings together, taking stock of what we have learned from our analyses and what seem like fruitful paths for future research. In the process, we revisit Positivity Theory. We present a modified version of the theory that we hope will guide future inquiry on public support for courts, both in the United States and abroad.

Mobilising ‘Minutemen’: Predicting Public Support for Anti-Immigration Activism in the United States

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Matthew Ward
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cultural Beliefs ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Willingness To Participate ◽  
Sequential Process ◽  
Economic Threat ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Actual Participation

Advances in social movement research conceptualise micromobilisation as – at least – a two-step sequential process in which willingness to participate must first be generated and then translated into actual participation. However, such research often ignores a more fundamental first step in this process: the generation of movement support. I address this gap by drawing on a nationally representative sample of adults in the United States – who either sympathised with or opposed anti-immigration activism – to identify individual attributes differentiating anti-immigration movement supporters and non-supporters. Perceptions of economic threat, waning confidence in political leadership, and prejudicial cultural beliefs about Latinos represent attributes differentiated movement supporters from non-supporters. Power devaluation theory is used as an overarching framework to meaningfully interpret these results. More generally, I argue that grievances play an important, yet under theorised role in jumpstarting conservative micromobilisation and that principles from power devaluation theory can help us understand the differentiation of movement support, irrespective of a social movement's political orientation.

Local Origins: Context, Group Identity, and Politics of Place

2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 960-974 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Identity Theory ◽  
Group Identity ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Politics Of Place ◽  
Group Identities ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Registered Voters

In-group identity is particularly important in understanding political behavior among minority populations living in the United States. Despite its importance, we know relativity little about what explains variation in perceptions of group identity among U.S.-based minority groups. I develop a theoretical framework drawing extensively for social identity theory to explain development of in-group identities among Latinos in the United States. I suggest the availability of neighborhood-level ethnic stimuli increases the likelihood that Latinos will come to see themselves a part of pan-ethnic group rather than a unique individual. I use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-Racial Political Survey (CMPS), a nationally representative public opinion poll of registered voters with oversamples of Latino respondents. I find that the availability of ethnic stimuli positively associates with stronger perceptions of group identity among Latinos. Latinos who live in contexts rich with ethnic stimuli and cues are more likely to adopt in-group identities than those who live in environments lacking ethnically salient resources.

Revisiting the First-Level Digital Divide in the United States: Gender and Race/Ethnicity Patterns, 2007–2012

2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celeste Campos-Castillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Universal Access ◽  
Internet Access ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internet Usage ◽  
The Status ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Racial Divide

With the narrowing of Internet access divide, researchers have focused on Internet usage, taking for granted access issues. However, questions remain regarding who has Internet access in the United States: What is the status of the racial divide? Is there still a gender divide? How do Latinos compare to other racial and ethnic minority groups? How does gender intersect with race and ethnicity? I analyze nationally representative data to compare Internet access among adults from 2007 to 2012. I find that women are more likely to report having Internet access than men. Blacks and Latinos are equally likely to report having Internet access, and both groups are less likely to report having Internet access than Whites. Finally, Black men exhibited the greatest increase in access. This research complements Internet usage studies with a recent assessment of Internet access trends, important trends to monitor as policies and technological innovations aim for universal access.

scholarly journals The January 6 Insurrection and America's Standing Abroad: Natural Experimental Evidence from Five Unexpectedly Interrupted Public Opinion Surveys

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam van Noort
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Experimental Test ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Random Digit Dialing ◽  
Random Digit ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nationally Representative

American geopolitical power partly relies on foreign public support for its leadership. Pundits worry that this support is evaporating now that the United States—which claims to be the world’s beacon of democracy—has itself experienced democratic back- sliding. I provide the first natural experimental test of this hypothesis by exploiting that the January 6 insurrection of the US Capitol unexpectedly occurred while Gallup was conducting nationally-representative surveys in India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Romania, and Vietnam. Because Gallup uses random digit dialing I can identify the effect by comparing US leadership approval among respondents that were interviewed just before, and just after, January 6, 2021. I find that the insurrection had no effect on US approval. If even a violent attempt to overturn a free and fair election does not affect US approval abroad it is unlikely that any other domestic anti-democratic event will.

scholarly journals The Underrepresentation of Minorities and Non-Generalizability of Breast Cancer Clinical Trials?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Angel De Soto
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
United States ◽  
Clinical Trials ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cancer Clinical Trials ◽  
High Death

Introduction This year 43,000 women will die from breast cancer in the United States. African Americans and Native Americans though less likely to get breast cancer, once diagnosed they are much more likely to die from breast cancer. This increased death rate may in part be due to the non-generalizability of breast cancer clinical trials. In this study, we evaluate the participation of ethnic minorities from breast cancer clinical trials. Methodology In this study, fifty-six breast cancer clinical trials completed in the last ten years in the United States were evaluated for the inclusion of ethnic minorities in the breast cancer clinical trials. Results Only 21% of breast cancer clinical trials include information on ethnicity in the methodology while only 7% provided any information on the effect or toxicity of the therapeutic intervention in minority groups while 100% report the results for Whites. Though Whites only make up 60.1% of the population, they were 87.5% of the clinical trial participants while African Americans were 6.2%, Hispanics 3.1%, Asians 2.9% and Native Americans were 0.2% of the participants. Conclusion Racial minorities have been underrepresented in breast cancer clinical trials which may contribute to unnecessarily high death rates in these groups while suggesting limited generalizability of breast cancer clinical trials.

scholarly journals Disparate access to nutritional food; place, race and equity in the United States

BMC Nutrition ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Garett Sansom ◽  
Bryce Hannibal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Healthy Food ◽  
Minority Populations ◽  
Healthy Foods ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Organic Foods ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Selection Of

Abstract Background Prior research has demonstrated minority communities have fewer options to access healthy foods when compared to their majority counterparts. While much focus has been placed upon community-level resources, little research has been placed on the efforts that minority groups need to undergo to reach well-stocked stores to purchase healthy food options. Methods As part of the Water, Energy, Food Nexus Research Group at Texas A&M University, a nationally representative survey (n = 1612) was conducted to acquire self-reported distance, time, and motives that certain populations must travel to purchase food for themselves and their families. Results Findings suggest that minority populations consider saving money, driving less, having a better selection of foods, and have the ability to buy organic foods as an important factor when choosing where to buy foods. Further, minority populations across the nation need to drive a significantly greater (p < 0.05) amount of time to reach their destinations than white populations. Conclusion This underscores the importance, and scope of the issues, of promoting and implementing more equitably distributed opportunities to purchase healthy food options throughout the United States.

Racial animus and its association with punitive sentencing and crime types: Do Australian community attitudes reflect the United States’?

2021 ◽  
pp. 263380762110517
Author(s):  
Ruth Brookman ◽  
Karl Wiener ◽  
William DeSoto ◽  
Hassan Tajalli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Punitive Attitudes ◽  
Criminal Offenders ◽  
Australian Community ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Crime Types

The racial animus model argues that public support for punitive sentencing of criminal offenders is shaped by threat perceptions associated with cultural minority groups. This study applies the racial animus model to examine support for the punitive sentencing of criminal offenders in the United States and Australia. It also examines whether racial animus mediates the possible difference in punitive attitudes between each country toward different crime types. Online survey data were obtained in the US and Australia to assess racial animus and punitive attitudes using six different crime scenarios. Results indicate that (a) individuals with higher levels of racial animus demonstrate greater levels of punitiveness; (b) Australians have higher levels of racial animus as compared to their US counterparts; and (c) racial animus mediates the difference of punitive attitudes between the two countries. Overall, punitive attitudes and racial animus vary cross-culturally, with Australians demonstrating more racial animus. Our mediation model provides evidence for the importance of racial animus in the cross-cultural demand for the punishment of criminal offenders.

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