The Police “Presence”

2019 ◽  
pp. 166-184
Author(s):  
Stephen A. Bishopp
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
pp. 91-118
Author(s):  
Peter Black

The Sonderdienst (Special Service) was an enforcement agency developed by German SS and Police authorities, specifically in the Lublin District of the so called Government General (central and southeastern German-occupied Poland) to assist in enforcing German occupation ordinances in the cities and particularly in the countryside, where lack of police personnel, ignorance of local conditions, and perceived fear of partisan attack discouraged a direct German police presence. After February 1941, the SS and Police relinquished control over the Sonderdienst to the German civilian occupation authorities. Under civilian authority, the Sonderdienst was deployed at the Kreis level, under command of the so-called German Stadt- and Kreishauptmänner in detachments of approximately 30 men to carry out administrative enforcement activities when the civilian authorities were unable to count or SS and police support. This article examines how the Sonderdienst highlights the dependence of German administration in the Government General on locally recruited auxiliaries, particularly in the countryside. The Sonderdienst was conceived, developed, expanded, and deployed within the context of a bitter battle between German civilian authorities and the SS/police apparatus over control of local executive police power. This is hardly new; yet the Government General is unusual in that the German civilian authorities were able to fight the SS to a draw on this issue. Since its formation followed the recruitment of the “ethnic” and ideological “cream” of the ethnic German population of occupied Poland into agencies such as the Selbstschutz, and the Waffen SS, the Sonderdienst represents an early effort of the National Socialist authorities to fashion an ethnically conscious and ideologically committed corps from young men of questionable, even dubious, German ancestry and heritage. Finally, this study reveals not only the complicity of the civilian authorities in Nazi crimes, but the link in German-occupied Poland between “routine” administrative duties, such as collecting fines for ordinance violations, and the brutal persecution and annihilation of groups targeted as enemies of the German Reich, such as the Polish Jews. Civilian administrators and SS and police authorities shared the “National Socialist consensus” in occupied Poland. They wanted to annihilate the Jews and the Polish intelligentsia, to exploit the labor potential of the Polish masses, and to turn the Government General into a region of German settlement. As a part of this vision, the Sonderdienst was to serve not only as a police executive, but as a political and cultural steppingstone to full acceptance into the German “racial community.” There is no question that, even in “routine” duties, the Sonderdienst participated, more or less willingly, in the implementation of the most evil racist policies of the National Socialist regime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Andrew Wood ◽  
Chrissy Thompson

Speed camera ‘traps’, random breath testing (RBT) stations, and other forms of mobile traffic surveillance have long been circumvented by motorists. However, as technologies for traffic surveillance have developed, so too have technologies enabling individuals to monitor and countersurveil these measures. One of the most recent forms of these countersurveillance platforms can be found on Facebook, where dedicated regional and national RBT and ‘police presence’ pages publicly post the locations of various forms of police surveillance in real-time. In this article, we argue that Facebook RBT pages exemplify a new form of social media facilitated countersurveillance we term crowdsourced countersurveillance: the use of knowledge-discovery and management crowdsourcing to facilitate surveillance discovery, avoidance, and countersurveillance. Crowdsourced countersurveillance, we argue, represents a form of countersurveillant assemblage: an ensemble of individuals, technologies, and data flows that, more than the sum of their parts, function together to neutralize surveillance measures. Facilitated by affordances for crowdsourcing, aggregating, and crowdmapping geographical data information on surveillance actors, crowdsourced countersurveillance provides a means of generating ‘hybrid heterotopias’: mediated counter-sites that enable individuals to contest and circumvent surveilled spatial arrangements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Dewanti Dewanti ◽  
Jan Prabowo Harmanto

This study aims to find factors influencing students to do speeding in Yogyakarta Special Region. 179 respondents filled in on-line and off-line questionnaires to determine options or probabilities of speeding up on a variety of different road / environmental conditions. Cross tab tests and ordered logistic regression are adopted to analyze influencing factors (both internal and external). 3 of 18 predictor variables do not affect speeding behavior, and those are driving experience, road separator, and speed limit signs. While the age, education, and police presence are negatively correlated with speeding behavior, it means that the older, and the higher a person's education and the presence of police, people tend not to have speeding behavior. The other research result is the level order of the influencing factor of speeding (predictor variables). Penelitian ini bertujuan menemukan faktor – faktor yang mempengaruhi pelajar dan mahasiswa melakukan ‘speeding’ atau ngebut di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Sebanyak 179 responden mengisi kuesioner on-line maupun off-line untuk mengetahui pilihan-pilihan atau probabilitas melakukan ngebut untuk berbagai kondisi jalan/lingkungan yang berbeda. Uji cross tab dan regresi logistic ordinal digunakan untuk menganalisis factor-faktor (baik internal maupun eksternal) yang berpengaruh. Dari 18 variabel predictor, 3 diantaranya tidak berpengaruh, yaitu: pengalaman berkendara, pemisah jalan dan rambu batas kecepatan. Sementara variable usia, pendidikan dan keberadaan polisi berkorelasi negative terhadap perilaku ngebut, artinya semakin bertambah usia, dan makin tinggi pendidikan seseorang serta adanya polisi mendorong orang untuk tidak ngebut. Dihasilkan juga urutan tingkat pengaruh masing-masing factor (variable predictor)


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-119
Author(s):  
Armando Lara-Millán

This chapter presents ethnographic evidence of the restriction of medicine in the large, urban public emergency room. There are two routine problems facing triage staff: that there are always too many urgently sick patients whom staff have no real reason to favor for scarce hospital beds, and far too many less-urgently sick patients who technically should never receive beds. The rational rules of triage do not provide the means to reconcile these two problems and, moreover, they mandate that all of these patients be treated. The chapter details how a culture of understanding patients through criminal stigma, the widespread administration of pharmaceutical drugs during the wait, and police presence all work the resolve these two fundamental problems of hospitalization. It is this work that triage staff do—to produce patients that appear less medically needy—that ensures the extreme waiting lines do not become legally problematic.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Earl ◽  
Sarah Soule

Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.


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