Between political principle and the practice of power: the making and remaking of the Party platform

2015 ◽  
pp. 121-178
Author(s):  
Guoguang Wu
Keyword(s):  
Political Principle

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane F. Fulcher
Keyword(s):  
Special Interest ◽  
French Culture ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Occupied France

The Introduction examines the changing historiography of Vichy and Occupied France, particularly since the 1970s, when historians challenged postwar French myths as they discovered newly accessible archival sources and exposed the reality behind Pétain’s claim that Vichy merely acted as a shield. In fact the regime’s nationalism differed from that of many Frenchmen in stressing the soil as opposed to political principle and hence the imperative for the administration to remain on it. This, however, was at the price of collaboration with an occupying power, which not only made increasing demands but also served as an umbrella for the regime’s desired political changes. Researchers still need to examine the results for French culture and particularly music, an art of special interest to the Germans, as Vichy moved toward greater collaboration. And they must examine how composers confronted the Vichy model of French culture as opposed to that now defined by the Resistance.

The Swiss and their Neighbours, 1460-1560

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Scott
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Buffer Zone ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Mutual Obligation ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Identity

Renewed interest in Swiss history has sought to overcome the old stereotypes of peasant liberty and republican exceptionalism. The heroic age of the Confederation in the fifteenth century is now seen as a turning point as the Swiss polity achieved a measure of institutional consolidation and stability, and began to mark out clear frontiers. This book questions both assumptions. It argues that the administration of the common lordships by the cantons collectively gave rise to as much discord as cooperation, and remained a pragmatic device not a political principle. It argues that the Swiss War of 1499 was an avoidable catastrophe, from which developed a modus vivendi between the Swiss and the Empire as the Rhine became a buffer zone, not a boundary. It then investigates the background to Bern’s conquest of the Vaud in 1536, under the guise of relieving Geneva from beleaguerment, to suggest that Bern’s actions were driven not by predeterminate territorial expansion but by the need to halt French designs upon Geneva and Savoy. The geopolitical balance of the Confederation was fundamentally altered by Bern’s acquisition of the Vaud and adjacent lands. Nevertheless, the political fabric of the Confederation, which had been tested to the brink during the Reformation, proved itself flexible enough to absorb such a major reorientation, not least because what held the Confederation together was not so much institutions as a sense of common identity and mutual obligation forged during the Burgundian Wars of the 1470s.

The English Crisis of 1297 in the Light of French Experience

1979 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Wood
Keyword(s):  
Good Deal ◽  
The Political ◽  
English History ◽  
French Experience ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
Remarkable Agreement ◽  
Edward I

Among the familiar sights crowding the landscape of English history from the dooms of Ine to that crown plucked from a hawthorn bush at Bosworth, none is more deeply cherished than the crisis of 1297 and the “Confirmation of the Charters” to which it gave rise. For, despite all the sharp differences over detail that the documentation for this crisis has engendered, scholars have shown remarkable agreement in seeing it as the one defeat suffered by Edward I in a long and notably successful reign. And to that defeat they have attributed great constitutional significance. Stubbs set the pattern, calling the “result singularly in harmony with what seems from history and experience to be the natural direction of English progress,” and Wilkinson is only one among the many who have recently elaborated on that theme:The crisis of 1297 … placed a definite check on the tendencies which Edward I had shown, to ignore the deep principles of the constitution under stress of the necessities which confronted the nation … It was a landmark in the advance of the knights … toward political maturity. It helped to establish the tradition of co-operation and political alliance between the knights and the magnates, on which a good deal of the political future of England was to depend …. What the opposition achieved, in 1297, was a great vindication of the ancient political principle of government by consent ….

Secularism, Feminism, and the Public Sphere

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niamh Reilly
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Feminist Scholarship ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
The Public Sphere

This chapter outlines major developments shaping contemporary debates about religion and secularism in public and political life and the role of women and feminism therein. It considers, from a gender perspective, debates in normative political theory about religion, secularism, and the Habermasian public sphere. These themes are explored as they are dealt with in feminist scholarship on the critical edges of Enlightenment thinking. The phenomena of the separation of church and state, the progressive “secularization” of modern societies and relegation of religious practice to private domains, and the growing acceptance of gender equality, are no longer presumed to be inevitable and interrelated. This chapter considers what is involved in rethinking secularism as a feminist political principle, in a context of globalization and in contemporary multicultural societies.

Methods of Self-Determination and the Argument of “Primitiveness”

1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 38-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Double Standard ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Two Measures ◽  
Legal Right

Writing on the principle of self-determination, J. H. W. Verzijl, the renowned Dutch jurist, has stated: “It is inherently impossible for it to form a universal basis of concrete rights and obligations under international law and accordingly it invariably presents itself in practice as a scarcely veiled instance of measuring with two measures.” The danger of applying a “double standard” is one which can hardly be dismissed even by those who, unlike Verzijl, regard the principle of self-determination as an established legal right and not merely a political principle. It is a danger that is most pronounced in relation to the key issue in self-determination: the identification of the unit constituting the “self.” No less susceptible of the application of a “double standard,” however, are questions regarding the methods of determining the wishes of a preidentified “self”.

scholarly journals Presidential Address

1900 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
A. W. Ward
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Address ◽  
Historical Society ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
House Of Fame ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Points Of View

You must pardon me if my observations this afternoon betray, in a more marked degree than you may think appropriate in the President of your Society, the diffidence which is born of surprise. For it was a genuine surprise to me when in the course of last summer the Council of the Royal Historical Society did me the honour of nominating me their President—a nomination which you have now been good enough to confirm—in the place of a predecessor of high distinction. I was aware that before him this office had been filled by men of eminence either as historians or among those who have signally contributed to the making of history. The earliest name on the list is, I believe, that of an English classic whose venerated figure stands on a pillar ‘wrought full sternely’ among those consecrate in the House of Fame to illustrious historians, near the place of honour belonging to Gibbon himself. For, unlike to one another as he and Grote were from most points of view of philosophical thought, of political principle, and of literary taste, more than one analogy is traceable between the growths of their respective masterpieces. Each was the work of its author's mature manhood; each was carried out consecutively, with that consciousness of the goal in view which proportionates effort to progress, and within a limit of years far outside of which unity of execution is virtually impossible. Thus, though in both instances the historian's conception of his theme was not only vast and comprehensive, but confessedly grew under his hands into its ultimate shape, the complete edifice stood square to the elements, and in the mortar ‘which made the building sure’ the ingredient of civic experience had not been omitted.

Religion, violence and “holy wars”

2005 ◽  
Vol 87 (858) ◽  
pp. 253-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Küng
Keyword(s):  
First Century ◽  
Holy War ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe author analyzes the impact of religion in current conflicts throughout the world. The main focus lies on the monotheistic religions, i.e. Judaism, Christianity and Islam, all of which have recently been reproached for potentially fostering the temptation to resort to violence. The article focuses on this accusation and departs from an analysis of the concept of “holy war” in the three religions. The article concludes with setting out a pragmatism of peaceableness highlighting that wars in the twenty-first century can neither be regarded as just, nor holy, nor clean and that absolute pacifism will not only be politically impossible but might as a political principle even be irresponsible.

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