scholarly journals Equalizing Resources vs. Retaining Black Political Power: Paradoxes of an Urban-Suburban School District Merger in Durham, North Carolina, 1958–1996

2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-64
Author(s):  
Esther Cyna

Two separate school districts—a city one and a county one—operated independently in Durham, North Carolina, until the early 1990s. The two districts merged relatively late compared to other North Carolina cities, such as Raleigh and Charlotte. In Durham, residents in both the county and city systems vehemently opposed the merger until the county commissioners ultimately bypassed a popular vote. African American advocates in the city school district, in particular, faced an impossible trade-off: city schools increasingly struggled financially because of an inequitable funding structure, but a merger would significantly threaten fair racial representation on the consolidated school board. This article explores this core tension in historical context by looking at several failed merger attempts from 1958 to 1988, as well as the 1991 merger implementation, against the backdrop of desegregation, economic transition, profound metropolitan changes, and protracted political battles in Durham.

1925 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-320
Author(s):  
No authorship indicated
Keyword(s):  
The City ◽  

2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


Author(s):  
Thelma Manabat

This study was conducted to determine the level of academic quality compliance of public secondary high schools and its predictors as input to strengthen institutional profiling. The respondents of the study were 167 teachers and school managers in (9) public secondary junior high schools in the City Schools Division of San Jose del Monte Bulacan for the School Year 2017-2018. The descriptive research design was used employing the predictive technique in determining the influence of respondents’ profile, institutions’ profile variables and the management capability factors as the academic quality compliance of the schools. The findings revealed that the schools’ academic quality compliance on leadership and governance is predicted by the NAT (Beta = .431), promotion rate (Beta= 1.170), and enrollment rate (Beta = .747).  The management capability on quality instruction predicts the schools’ academic quality compliance on curriculum and learning (Beta = .971) and the academic quality compliance on accountability and continuous improvement is influenced by the management capability on quality instruction. The promotion rate of the school predicts the academic quality compliance of the school in the area of management of resources (Beta =.671). The hypothesis stating that the respondent's profile, institutional profile, and management capability, singly or combination predict the schools' academic quality compliance is partly sustained. 


Author(s):  
Johannes Haubold

This chapter compares three texts about the Seleukid monarch Antiochos III: a decree of the Seleukid Greek city of Teos published shortly before the king’s war with Rome; a description of his conduct of the war written by the pro-Roman historian Polybios; and a cuneiform text from Babylon about Antiochos’ visit to the city just after the war. I argue that, despite differences in style, cultural background, historical context, and political allegiance, these texts converge around key themes of Seleukid imperial discourse, such as the king as benefactor and the importance of the royal couple. The chapter thus serves as a corrective to recent scholarship that tends to stress the differences between Greek and non-Greek perspectives on the Seleukid kings.


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 907-930
Author(s):  
Igor Fedyukin

This article uses the materials of the Drezdensha affair, a large-scale investigation of “indecency” in St. Petersburg in 1750, to explore unofficial sociability among the Imperial elite, and to map out the institutional, social, and economic dimensions of the post-Petrine “sexual underworld.” Sociability and, ultimately, the public sphere in eighteenth century Russia are usually associated with loftier practices, with joining the ranks of the reading public, reflecting on the public good, and generally, becoming more civil and polite. Yet, it is the privately-run, commercially-oriented, and sexually-charged “parties” at the focus of this article that arguably served as a “training ground” for developing the habits of sociability. The world of these “parties” provides a missing link between the debauchery and carousing of Peter I's era and the more polite formats of associational life in the late eighteenth century, as well as the historical context for reflections on morality, sexual licentiousness, foppery, and the excesses of “westernization.”


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