The politicization of immigration in Italy. Who frames the issue, when and how

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ornella Urso

AbstractItaly is one of the most representative ‘new immigration countries.’ Between the 1980s and the 1990s, it became a major country of destination for immigrants coming from Asia, Middle East, and North Africa. As a result, since the mid-90s, immigration has gained salience within the Italian political debate. Building on the existing literature on agenda-setting and framing studies, this article studies the evolution of the immigration issue in Italy over the last two decades. It focuses on the framing and, more specifically, the position political actors tend to adopt when debating on immigration. In particular, the main research questions are: to what extent is the framing of immigration associated with the traditional left vs. right spectrum? Do incumbent political parties tend to adopt a different position toward immigration than opposition parties? This article analyses party competition dynamics over the immigration issue in Italy from 1995 to 2011. The author carried out a political-claim analysis of articles from two Italian national daily newspapers. Findings show that immigration is more a positional issue than a valence one. Political actors’ positions towards migration appear to be anchored to the old left vs. right dimension of the political conflict. This demonstrates that parties’ engagement within the political conflict goes beyond electoral campaigns. Finally, being in government seems to play a crucial role in ‘softening’ the way party actors frame immigration, in terms of both the arguments used and the pro- or anti-immigration positions adopted.

Author(s):  
Gema Rubio-Carbonero ◽  
Núria Franco-Guillén

Abstract On the 1st October 2017 an independence referendum was organised in Catalonia. The aim of this paper is to analyse the nature of the political debate going on in the Catalan Parliament during the whole process by focusing on the kind of argumentation strategies that were used by each of the leanings to legitimise their political decisions. We do that relying on a methodological distinction that differentiates between sound argumentation and fallacious argumentation. By using a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, this study offers a wide picture of the kind of argumentation used by the main political actors involved in the process of decision making in Catalonia. The results show that there is more emphasis in antagonising with the others, than engaging in sound argument exchange that could facilitate minimal points of consensus. Such results may help explain why the Catalan conflict is still unsolved at the political level.


2022 ◽  
pp. 279-306
Author(s):  
Claudio Luis de Camargo Penteado ◽  
Eva Campos-Domínguez ◽  
Patrícia Dias dos Santos ◽  
Denise Hideko Goya ◽  
Mario Mangas Núñez ◽  
...  

This chapter addresses the creation of political conflict on Twitter in a comparative study between Brazil and Spain. Based on an analysis of the political debate on dealing with two countries' health crises, it analyses the most retweeted messages published during the first week of vaccination in Europe and the Americas. Firstly, it analysed the general characteristics of the online debate on the immunisation of COVID-19. Secondly, it carried out an analysis of information disorder in each country. Although governmental positions in both countries are opposed, the results allow establishing common patterns of polarized profiles in both countries that question the management of the pandemic. It can be seen how political polarization is shaped as a characteristic of disinformation in both countries. That reveals that, after the health crisis, there is a crisis of democratic institutions that impact public health actions, but specifically to combat COVID-19.


Author(s):  
Carme Ferré-Pavia

For thirteen consecutive years, Catalan public broadcasting journalists have protested against the so-called coverage quotas established by Spanish electoral regulations. According to those regulations, during election campaigns, broadcasters are required to use a calculated number related to the proportion of votes cast in the previous election to determine the amount of broadcast time they allot to each party. Journalists have repeatedly and publicly complained about the quotas, while simultaneously explaining the effects of the quotas to the audience and not crediting authorship of this news. This paper undertakes an in-depth analysis of the case and its historical roots from different angles: the protests, the journalists’ professional roles, the political parties’ strategies, the roles of the regulatory boards and the initiatives taken by some professional organizations and institutions. The theoretical framework focuses on the mistrust between the political class and journalists in the context of a mediatized conflict with ethical implications. The methodology includes extensive document examination, news content analysis and interviews. The results indicate that the Spanish political class has deemed the performance of the Catalan public broadcaster as tending to equate political information with electoral spots controlled by parties. The consequence of this has been an enduring conflict between politicians and Catalan journalists that distances citizens from both of them. Keywords: Spanish public media, media conflict, journalistic-political conflict, politics and ethics in media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eckehard Olbrich ◽  
Sven Banisch

The paper explores the notion of a reconfiguration of political space in the context of the rise of populism and its effects on the political system. We focus on Germany and the appearance of the new right wing party “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). The idea of a political space is closely connected to the ubiquitous use of spatial metaphors in political talk. In particular the idea of a “distance” between “political positions” would suggest that political actors are situated in a metric space. Using the electoral manifestos from the Manifesto project database we investigate to which extent the spatial metaphors so common in political talk can be brought to mathematical rigor. Many scholars of politics discuss the rise of the new populism in Western Europe and the United States with respect to a new political cleavage related to globalization, which is assumed to mainly affect the cultural dimension of the political space. As such, it might replace the older economic cleavage based on class divisions in defining the dominant dimension of political conflict. An explanation along these lines suggests a reconfiguration of the political space in the sense that 1) the main cleavage within the political space changes its direction from the economic axis towards the cultural axis, but 2) also the semantics of the cultural axis itself is changing towards globalization related topics. In this paper, we empirically address this reconfiguration of the political space by comparing political spaces for Germany built using topic modeling with the spaces based on the content analysis of the Manifesto project and the corresponding categories of political goals. We find that both spaces have a similar structure and that the AfD appears on a new dimension. In order to characterize this new dimension we employ a novel technique, inter-issue consistency networks (IICN) that allow to analyze the evolution of the correlations between the political positions on different issues over several elections. We find that the new dimension introduced by the AfD can be related to the split off of a new “cultural right” issue bundle from the previously existing center-right bundle.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


Author(s):  
Phillip Santos ◽  
Mthokozisi P Ndhlovu

Political crises can (re)configure relations between the media, political institutions, actors, and processes, sometimes in unpredictable ways. By focusing on how two leading Zimbabwean daily newspapers, The Herald and NewsDay framed the controversial entrance of President Robert Mugabe's wife Grace Mugabe into active politics, the chapter assesses media - politics relations during a political crisis. The chapter uses argumentation and rhetoric analysis to analyse the stories published by the two publications in October 2014, as this was Grace Mugabe's most politically active period. It argues that during a political crisis, the media become political players that wittingly/unwittingly persuade citizens using argumentation and rhetoric to support certain political positions with real consequences in the political sphere.


2020 ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Adamik-Szysiak

The local government election campaign in 2018 in the Lublin newspapers The article presents the results of empirical research concerning visibility of the political parties and candidates of the Polish local government election campaign in the press released in Lublin Voivodship in 2018. The subject of research were three daily newspapers: “Dziennik Wschodni”, “Kurier Lubelski” and “Gazeta Wyborcza. Lublin”. The main research questions concerned the degree of interest of regional and local newspapers in local government election campaign and the manner in which the campaigns of individual political entities were publicized. An interesting issue was the proportion of published material on political actors in relation to the resulting by them votes in election. The results of the research proved that the analysed newspapers concerning the selected political actors. In comparison with the public agenda (election results) it has shown a high degree of agenda-setting effects (Pearson’s factor was: 0,68; 0,89; 0,96).


2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Viviani

Fifty years after the start of the process of unification and thirty from the first elections to the European Parliament, this book addresses the role played by the political party in the supernational public context. It also responds to a number of interrogatives crucial for the future of the European Union: is there a Europe of the parties beyond a Europe of the nations and national governments? What role can the political parties actually play in the process of democratisation of the European Union? To address these issues of growing scientific and topical interest in the political debate, the votes expressed by the MEPs are reconstructed and analysed so as to clarify the question of the cohesion of political families and the fault lines between national delegations and Eurogroups. What emerges is a telling and problematic dimension of political conflict "in Europe" and "on Europe", already beyond the national borders but not yet the expression of Pan-European parties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 808-830
Author(s):  
Ludger Helms

Abstract Top candidates of political parties are increasingly identified as a preeminent factor in electoral campaigns and with regard to winning governmental office; yet they have always been important to a deeper understanding of party competition. This article looks into German and Austrian post-war chancellor candidates, that is, the parties’ lead candidates reaching out for the top job in the executive branch. The more particular focus is on the political profiles and track records of non-incumbent candidates challenging a sitting chancellor. The study proceeds from a brief discussion of German and Austrian ‘peculiarities’, judged against the established parameters of Westminster-style politics, to a comparative empirical assessment. Of the four hypotheses developed (relating to constitutional features, parties and party families, opportunity structures for female candidates and ‘personalisation’), only one is supported by our empirical findings. However, the notable problems of relating empirical patterns to theoretical propositions may not all be caused by political contingency. To some extent, it seems, they rather reflect the strategic choices of challenging parties specifically designed to generate the impression of ‘freshness’, and to take incumbents by surprise.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Nyhuis ◽  
Pascal König

AbstractBuilding on the spatial model of party competition, we investigate the structure of political conflict in German subnational politics. Little research has examined the conflict dimensionality at the Länder level. Moreover, the few studies which have done so predominantly rely on a deductive approach that pre-structures the conflict space using presumed conflict dimensions. In this paper, we put these dimensionality assumptions to the test with an inductive approach that capitalizes on parties’ preference expressions in vote advice applications. We circumvent the common concern that data from vote advice applications is too sparse for assessing political conflict structures by estimating a space that bridges multiple elections. Unlike previous research, we find that political conflict is defined by a comprehensive left-right dimension and a secondary dimension separating mainstream parties from fringe competitors. This anti-establishment dimension is characterized by diverging preferences over democratic institutions and policies considered consensual among the political mainstream.


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