Discourse and Disinformation on COVID-19 Vaccination in Spain and Brazil

2022 ◽  
pp. 279-306
Author(s):  
Claudio Luis de Camargo Penteado ◽  
Eva Campos-Domínguez ◽  
Patrícia Dias dos Santos ◽  
Denise Hideko Goya ◽  
Mario Mangas Núñez ◽  
...  

This chapter addresses the creation of political conflict on Twitter in a comparative study between Brazil and Spain. Based on an analysis of the political debate on dealing with two countries' health crises, it analyses the most retweeted messages published during the first week of vaccination in Europe and the Americas. Firstly, it analysed the general characteristics of the online debate on the immunisation of COVID-19. Secondly, it carried out an analysis of information disorder in each country. Although governmental positions in both countries are opposed, the results allow establishing common patterns of polarized profiles in both countries that question the management of the pandemic. It can be seen how political polarization is shaped as a characteristic of disinformation in both countries. That reveals that, after the health crisis, there is a crisis of democratic institutions that impact public health actions, but specifically to combat COVID-19.

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (20) ◽  
pp. e2022491118
Author(s):  
Jeroen M. van Baar ◽  
David J. Halpern ◽  
Oriel FeldmanHall

Political partisans see the world through an ideologically biased lens. What drives political polarization? Although it has been posited that polarization arises because of an inability to tolerate uncertainty and a need to hold predictable beliefs about the world, evidence for this hypothesis remains elusive. We examined the relationship between uncertainty tolerance and political polarization using a combination of brain-to-brain synchrony and intersubject representational similarity analysis, which measured committed liberals’ and conservatives’ (n = 44) subjective interpretation of naturalistic political video material. Shared ideology between participants increased neural synchrony throughout the brain during a polarizing political debate filled with provocative language but not during a neutrally worded news clip on polarized topics or a nonpolitical documentary. During the political debate, neural synchrony in mentalizing and valuation networks was modulated by one’s aversion to uncertainty: Uncertainty-intolerant individuals experienced greater brain-to-brain synchrony with politically like-minded peers and lower synchrony with political opponents—an effect observed for liberals and conservatives alike. Moreover, the greater the neural synchrony between committed partisans, the more likely that two individuals formed similar, polarized attitudes about the debate. These results suggest that uncertainty attitudes gate the shared neural processing of political narratives, thereby fueling polarized attitude formation about hot-button issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Freddy Pignon

When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill. But Home Rule did not exactly mean the same in sport as in politics. Even though Michael Cusack was not hostile to power sharing with the unionist leaders of existing athletic associations, the failure of his first attempts to democratise Irish sport led him to defend a more radical position implying total separation from his counterparts under British supervision. The Home Rule movement certainly benefited from the GAA’s nationalist and cultural stance to develop Irish consciousness. But the likelihood of self-government was compromised by the own image of the GAA’s administration whose sectarianism and internal disputes over its political nature could hardly convince unionists of their interest to agree with the principle of Home Rule.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 824-843
Author(s):  
Barbara Donovan

The Covid-19 pandemic has been an issue ready for political exploitation, and it has con­tributed to political polarization in western democracies . In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) adapted its policy positions and performative style and took advantage of the changing circumstances in the pandemic . The pandemic situation thus provided a political opportunity for the AfD to grow its own political repertoire, acting as a challenger party . An overview of evolving party strategy and a content analysis of select legislative debates held in the Bundestag between the outbreak of the pandemic in February 2020 and August 2021 shows that the AfD behaved as an “issue entrepreneur” in the months after the onset of the public health crisis and that it used its populist critique of the government­managed response to the public health crisis to inform a parliamentary strategy of disrup­tion . The party’s behavior led to more adversarial and polarized parliamentary politics . This is relevant to the broader study of pressures imparted by the pandemic crisis on parliamen­tary governance as well as of today’s populist far-right parties and their impact on parlia­mentary democracy .


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-617
Author(s):  
Michael Lobban

As both James Oldham and Joshua Getzler show in their perceptive and helpful comments, much work remains to be done on the history of both the nineteenth-century Chancery and the wider law reform movement. My discussion of the inconclusive nature of the political debate about Eldon's arrears leads Oldham to ask whether the Chancellor was really overburdened and whether the appointment of the Vice Chancellor was as counterproductive as many contemporaries claimed. On the first of these issues, the data show that while Eldon was in general able to deal with the caseload before him, it was in the 1810s—when “by a series of most important decisions, [he] systematized the law of bankruptcy”—that a dramatic arrear in appeals developed (see Figure 5), which contributed to the political pressure on him in the following decade. Oldham shows from a survey of his notebooks that Eldon heard roughly fifty cases a year from 1801–13; while according to official returns, in the 1820s, he heard more than forty appeals each year. But between 1813 and 1819, the number fell to about twelve cases a year. On the second issue, the data show that the creation of a Vice Chancellor did have an impact, but a relatively modest one. Lacking the distractions of the Great Seal, he could hear more original business; and cases set down and heard in Chancery increased by about 40 percent in the decade and a half after his appointment. While the number of appeals also increased, both numerically and proportionally, they remained at manageable levels.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174387212199973
Author(s):  
Yogi Hale Hendlin

The unprecedented World Health Organization orchestrated lockdown and public health measures in response to the SARS-CoV-2/COVID-19 pandemic were enacted by virtually every government worldwide. In many countries, but especially the United States, long-standing political animosities congealed into a discourse of dehumanization between liberal establishment adherents and anti-state revolutionaries. Left out from the field were the plural voices fitting neither camp. Mikhail Bakhtin’s lens of Ideologiekritik offers a diagnosis, and the symbolic destabilizing tool of the carnivalesque provides a discursive tool to soften the political polarization and depoliticized technocracy of the coronavirus pandemic state of exception. The conflagration of the global coronavirus governmental response and the often violent counter-responses warrants examining the democratic dangers of dualistic discourses. Disrupting this explosive polarization requires reintroducing plural discursive spaces which widen the conversation to include liminal and oblique perspectives via spectacle and jest—the carnival—providing a potential nonviolent path forward.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Johanna Fernández

Beyond its work on sanitation, the Young Lords responded to a series of other neighborhood problems that fell within the scope of public health. In the fall, the group launched its first children’s breakfast program alongside the Black Panthers. In tandem with community groups and hospital medical and administrative staff, the group was thrust into a larger political debate about the changing structure of healthcare in the city to which it contributed a document called the Young Lords’ 10-Point Health Program and Platform. In what is perhaps the Young Lords’ most enduring legacy, the group brought militancy to a pre-existing campaign against childhood lead poisoning that pressured City Hall to take action on a silent public health crisis. But, why health? Close analysis of this lesser-known campaign reveals that larger forces steered the Young Lords’ turn to health. They were, in part, following the example of the Cuban Revolution, which made dignified healthcare-for-all a signature aspiration of revolutionaries around the world. They were also propelled by post-war changes in the structure of medical care in the U.S. as well as by high rates of illness among the new migrants and the unintended consequences of their greater access to healthcare in the age of civil rights, which ironically also increased the incidence of medical discrimination.


2019 ◽  
pp. 473-503
Author(s):  
Andrew Murray

This chapter examines computer misuse, a collective term for a number of criminal offences committed by means of a computer, often through access to the internet, including computer hacking (unauthorized access), denial-of-service attacks, and the creation and distribution of computer viruses and other malware. It first discusses hacking, focusing on employee hackers and external hackers, and then looks at the political debate surrounding the UK’s Computer Misuse Act 1990, and extradition centred on the cases of hackers Gary McKinnon and Laurie Love. The chapter also considers ‘digital criminal damage’ associated with the creation and distribution of computer viruses, along with cases of web defacement and mail-bombing.


2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Viviani

Fifty years after the start of the process of unification and thirty from the first elections to the European Parliament, this book addresses the role played by the political party in the supernational public context. It also responds to a number of interrogatives crucial for the future of the European Union: is there a Europe of the parties beyond a Europe of the nations and national governments? What role can the political parties actually play in the process of democratisation of the European Union? To address these issues of growing scientific and topical interest in the political debate, the votes expressed by the MEPs are reconstructed and analysed so as to clarify the question of the cohesion of political families and the fault lines between national delegations and Eurogroups. What emerges is a telling and problematic dimension of political conflict "in Europe" and "on Europe", already beyond the national borders but not yet the expression of Pan-European parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Nyhuis ◽  
Pascal König

AbstractBuilding on the spatial model of party competition, we investigate the structure of political conflict in German subnational politics. Little research has examined the conflict dimensionality at the Länder level. Moreover, the few studies which have done so predominantly rely on a deductive approach that pre-structures the conflict space using presumed conflict dimensions. In this paper, we put these dimensionality assumptions to the test with an inductive approach that capitalizes on parties’ preference expressions in vote advice applications. We circumvent the common concern that data from vote advice applications is too sparse for assessing political conflict structures by estimating a space that bridges multiple elections. Unlike previous research, we find that political conflict is defined by a comprehensive left-right dimension and a secondary dimension separating mainstream parties from fringe competitors. This anti-establishment dimension is characterized by diverging preferences over democratic institutions and policies considered consensual among the political mainstream.


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