An Empire of Free Ports: British Commercial Imperialism in the 1766 Free Port Act

2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-361
Author(s):  
R. Grant Kleiser

AbstractThe Free Port Act of 1766 was an important reform in British political economy during the so-called imperial crisis between the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and the American Revolution (1775–1783). In an explicit break from the letter if not the spirit of the Navigation Acts, the act opened six British ports in the West Indies (two in Dominica and four in Jamaica) to foreign merchants trading in a highly regulated number of goods subject to various duties. Largely understudied, this legislation has been characterized in most previous work on the subject as a fundamental break from British mercantile policies and meant to benefit North American colonial merchants. This article proposes a different interpretation. Based on the wider context of other imperial free port models, the loss of conquests such as French Guadeloupe and Martinique and Spanish Havana in the 1763 Paris Peace Treaty, a postwar downturn in Anglo-Spanish trade, and convincing testimonies by merchants and colonial observers, policy makers in London conceived of free ports primarily as a means of extending Britain's commercial empire. The free port system was designed to ruin the rival Dutch trade economically and shackle Spanish and French colonists to Britain's mercantile, manufacturing, and slaving economies. The reform marks a key moment in the evolution of British free trade imperial designs that became prevalent in the nineteenth century and beyond.

Author(s):  
Deirdre Coleman

Smeathman arrives in the West Indies mid-1775, just as the American revolution begins. He makes numerous comparisons between tropical nature in its ‘rude’ (African) state and its ‘cultivated’ (West Indian) version, He also observes the various societies of the different islands and, appalled by the cruelty of plantation slavery, starts to reconsider Quaker Fothergill’s plans for ‘legitimate’ African commerce. The flogging of slaves in public places shocks him into sketching two of these scenes, one of which is particularly chilling because it is conducted by a white woman. Smeathman decides to return to England and compile his ‘Voyages and Travels’, a book which would reveal the truth about ‘those little known and much misrepresented people the Negroes’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 167-177
Author(s):  
Adom Getachew

This review essay situates Christopher Taylor’s Empire of Neglect: The West Indies in the Wake of British Liberalism (2018) in the context of the two-decade-long debate about the emergence of a liberal imperialism during the nineteenth century. Through an examination of the political economy of emancipation in the British West Indies, Taylor recasts the problem of liberal imperialism by decentering its justificatory discourses in the metropole to examine its practical effects in the colonies. In this turn, he provides an important and missing “materialization” of liberal empire that makes the deep connections between free trade and freeing slaves legible. The practical and theoretical coincidence of these nineteenth-century developments as well as Taylor’s reconstruction of a West Indian tradition of political economy provide a new way of conceptualizing colonial economic violence elaborated as the product of a neglectful empire. It is in this tradition of critiquing and resisting a neglectful empire that we find critical and normative resources to think beyond the terms of our own entrapments within the terms of liberal political economy.


Africa ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odile Goerg

The study of phenomena relating to identity has prompted new approaches to the subject on the part of historians as well as anthropologists. They include the study of ethnicity, a dynamic combination of socio-economic, religious, cultural and political factors. In this regard the population of Freetown is particularly interesting, for it stems from several discrete migrations from the end of the eighteenth century onwards. Some of the immigrants came direct from the African continent, ‘Liberated Africans’ disembarked on the Sierra Leone peninsula, while others, formerly slaves, came from the UK, North America or the West Indies. The result of this diversity of origin was the formation of a very rich and specific society, with a mixture of European, African and West Indian characteristics. Among the town dwellers are those called successively Sierra Leoneans, Creoles and Krio.Since the 1950s several studies have focused on these people. After a polemical article published in 1977, new research was undertaken. Krio identity, which is at the same time a historical theme and politically contested territory, remains at the heart of the debate. In this article, emphasis is placed on terminology, to address the question of ‘ethnicity’ as applied to those known as Creoles. What were they called by administrators or historians (past and present)? What did they call themselves? How did they react to the various attempts at categorisation? How did the names, which are the visible aspect of ethnicity, evolve? What did the terms really mean and how can one move from a given name to the object it represents? These questions take into account several points of view, from within Krio/Creole society and from outside it.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Greenhill

The interplay between the Colonial Office and British businessmen around the turn of the last century forms the background of this essay. Although the subject has been well-documented in a number of scholarly books and articles, we still lack an unambiguous definition of the relationship. Wide interpretations are still possible on the limits and the extent of the influence exercised by both officials and entrepreneurs. On the one hand, it is argued that the Colonial Office “had an instinctive dislike of government intervention in economic activity.”...


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-342

Negotiations on the Saar Territory: Negotiations between France and the government of the Saar on a convention to define their relationship toward each other were the subject of considerable discussion in Germany. On January 7, 1950, Jacob Kaiser, Minister for the Reunification of Germany in the west German government, proposed that the Saar's future political status be determined by a referendum, while President Theodor Heuss suggested that final settlement of the question could only be made in a German peace treaty and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer announced that any step to separate the Saar from Germany would meet “the same opposition that we have offered to creation of the Oder-Neisse line.” French Foreign Minister Schuman stated on January 15 that his government would continue with the policy defined in the Saar statute; the discussions were technical, and would have to be confirmed by the peace treaty.


In a former paper which was published in the Philosophical Transactions for 1845, the author gave the results of an inquiry on the temperature of man in England, as measured under the tongue by a thermometer made for the purpose, and using certain precautions necessary to ensure accuracy. An inquiry of the same kind and with the same instrument he has conducted in the West Indies, extending over a period of nearly three years' and a half. This is the subject of his present communication. For the sake of comparison, he has followed in it nearly the same order as in the former. The results are given in a tabular form, divided into sections, and are followed by an appendix in which are recorded the daily observations in monthly sequence, accompanied by observations on the pulse, respiration and atmospheric temperature. The following are the principal conclusions which seem to be warranted by the results:— 1. That the temperature of man within the tropics, on an average, is nearly 1° higher than in a temperate climate, such as that of England.


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