The Western Necropolis of Cyrene: the Wadi Belghadir road

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Eugenio Di Valerio
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Remote Area ◽  
Funerary Monuments ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Period

AbstractThe Western Necropolis represents one of the most monumental and spectacular sections of the Cyrene cemeteries, with rock-cut monuments, still quite well preserved, along a funerary road. The earliest examples of monumental tombs in this context date to the second half of the sixth and the beginning of the fifth centuries BC, with tombs displaying rock-cut porticos in Doric, Aeolic or Ionic styles, and with the slightly later tombs having architectonic facades characterized by false ‘contracted’ porticos and overhanging lintels ending with twoacroteria, mainly dating to the fifth century. The fourth century and the Hellenistic age, in this section of the necropolis, is attested by rock-cut chamber tombs, often with painted Doric friezes, and loculi. In Roman times, apart from a few examples of new tombs, most of the Roman funerary monuments reuse earlier tombs or are tombs that have been in constant use from previous periods. These phenomena of transformation and reuse of earlier monuments are quite well know for Cyrene, but are more evident from the middle and late imperial period; in later periods we even see the total re-functionalization of the monument. The monumental appearance of the Western Necropolis and its location in a quite remote area, are unfortunately the main reasons for the destruction of the tombs, which have been quite heavily looted: marble statues, busts and portraits have particularly suffered.

Documenting an unknown funerary complex at Cyrene: ‘The Garden Tomb’. Architectural evolution and epigraphic issues

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 7-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Cinalli
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Entrance Door ◽  
Three Phases

AbstractThe Garden Tomb is a remarkable funerary complex in the Southern Necropolis of Cyrene, consisting of two burial chambers set within a courtyard with a monumental Doric façade. The architectural arrangement of the main tomb, most likely dating back to the fourth century BC, shows at least three phases of re-use and alterations of the original interior, in use until the Late Imperial period. Three sculptures belonging to the tomb and the decorative features of the exterior (entrance doorkymation) and interior (red, blue and ochre wall paint in the main burial) of the monument are noteworthy. The epigraphic apparatus, drawn in charcoal on the walls of the main burial, is significant both in terms of the form of the letters and its content: one of the two inscriptions appears to give the price of loculi for sale.

The octagonal gemstones from Gordion: observations and interpretations

2014 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 163-197
Author(s):  
Andrew L. Goldman
Keyword(s):  
Distinct Group ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
Christian Communities ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Additional Support ◽  
Central Turkey ◽  
The Military ◽  
Private Collections

AbstractOf the increasing number of Roman gemstones from Turkey published from museum and private collections, nearly all lack a secure archaeological context. Consequentially, it has been difficult to discuss the origin, production or dissemi¬nation of gemstones in Anatolia during the imperial period. Excavations in the cemeteries at Gordion have yielded over a dozen carved intaglios typical of the first to the fourth century AD. Three of the gems are cut in a relatively rare octagonal form, an eight-sided shape which achieved limited popularity during the late imperial period but has yet to receive scholarly treatment. The recent recovery of similar late Roman octagonals from other central Anatolian sites has indicated strongly that this particular gemstone type was popular and possibly produced locally in central Turkey. Examination of octagonals as a distinct group, via analyses of gem type, dimension, provenance, date and iconographic representation as evident in a newly-constructed corpus of 185 examples, appears to provide additional support for this theory. It is suggested here that the octagonal shape held numeric and symbolic significance among the military and early Christian communities of central Turkey, where a permanent workshop catering to that mixed clientele possibly existed in at least one of the principal urban centres, at Ancyra and/or Caesarea.

Symmachus and the Oriental Cults

1973 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 175-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. F. Matthews
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Roman History ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
The Past ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Late Roman

The decline of late Roman paganism could hardly be said to have been an under-studied subject in the past, nor one which currently lacks appeal among late Roman historians: indeed, one has the impression that it is often through this, and the broader question of the ‘conflict’ between paganism and Christianity in the fourth century, that students of Roman history have acquired their interest in the late imperial period. This is all for the best: at the same time, it may be that in this, as in other aspects of late Roman history, there is a danger of ‘over-familiarity’ in the interpretation of well-known evidence.

Innus: A God of Archaic Latium and His Sanctuary at Fosso dell’Incastro (Ardea)

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-286
Author(s):  
Mario Torelli
Keyword(s):  
Sand Dunes ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Religious Buildings ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
Fourth Century Bce ◽  
Ancient Site ◽  
The Temple

Abstract In 2006, the Soprintendenza Archeologica del Lazio began an excavation at the site of Fosso dell’Incastro on the coastline of Ardea. A well-preserved settlement buried under huge sand dunes was discovered, featuring a Roman castrum created in the fourth century BCE around a sanctuary dating back to the mid-sixth century BCE. Its characteristics not only suggested that the ancient site was Castrum Inui, previously known only through the ancient literary sources (e.g., Virgil, Servius and Macrobius), but also that its sanctuary could be attributed to an inconspicuous local deity, Inuus—often correlated with Pan and Sol. In its final phase (the early Imperial period), the sanctuary housed three sacred buildings: Temple A, Temple B, and a small shrine dedicated to Aesculapius. Temple B, the site of Inuus’ worship, was constructed in the Etrusco-Italic style during the first quarter of the fifth century BCE, while Temple A was built during the mid-second century BCE. Temple B was oriented to the southwest, one typical for religious buildings connected to chthonic cults; two altars built during the fourth century BCE were placed along the façade of the temple, one facing the east and on the axis of the temple, the second close to its southwest corner. It was also enhanced with an acroterion depicting the head of a warrior with the skin and horns of a goat or cow over his helmet, a motif that establishes a connection between Innus, Pan and Faunus. Temple A, on the other hand, faced the northeast and was enhanced with a sculpted pediment in high relief showing an assembly of gods and possibly Aeneas. Both its orientation and the iconography of the pediment suggest that it was dedicated to Aeneas Indiges, a pan-Latin version of the old cult of Inuus.

Fortuna in Translation, Fortuna as Translation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniele Miano
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Structural Elements ◽  
Magna Graecia ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter considers the relationship between Fortuna and Tyche as one of translatability. The first half of the chapter focuses on Tyche, with the aim of determining semantic and structural elements common with Fortuna. The second part of the chapter looks at instances in which Fortuna is translated in Greek. The appearance of bronze strigils bearing the epithet soteira from Praeneste in the fourth century BC seems to presuppose this translation, and also points to the salvific meanings of Fortuna as a base for the process of translation. This process of translation had probably occurred through early contacts between Latium, Sicily, and Magna Graecia, where Tyche seems to be associated with salvation already from the fifth century BC. Other instances of translations of Fortuna and Tyche are studied across the Aegean.

Viktor Vasnetsov’s New Icons

Experiment ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Wendy Salmond
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Paris Exposition ◽  
The Many ◽  
Modern Orthodox ◽  
Human Hands

Abstract This essay examines Russian artist Viktor Vasnetsov’s search for a new kind of prayer icon in the closing decades of the nineteenth century: a hybrid of icon and painting that would reconcile Russia’s historic contradictions and launch a renaissance of national culture and faith. Beginning with his icons for the Spas nerukotvornyi [Savior Not Made by Human Hands] Church at Abramtsevo in 1880-81, for two decades Vasnetsov was hailed as an innovator, the four icons he sent to the Paris “Exposition Universelle” of 1900 marking the culmination of his vision. After 1900, his religious painting polarized elite Russian society and was bitterly attacked in advanced art circles. Yet Vasnetsov’s new icons were increasingly linked with popular culture and the many copies made of them in the late Imperial period suggest that his hybrid image spoke to a generation seeking a resolution to the dilemma of how modern Orthodox worshippers should pray.

The Athenian Hoplite Force in 431 B.C.

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 142-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Gomme
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Arbitrary Assumption

There is still something to be said about these figures for the Athenian hoplite force, the more so as the most reasonable discussion of them, Meyer's, is spoilt by some unsound inferences and has in consequence not found support. Their difficulty is apparent: a muster πανσημει in 338 meant calling up all classes up to the age of 50 (Lycurg. c. Leocr. 39), and since Socrates fought at Delion and Amphipolis when he was in his late forties, and not at Mantineia when he was over 50, we may assume that it meant the same in the fifth century; we also assume (though this is by no means proved) that ‘the youngest’ are those in their nineteenth and twentieth years, as in the fourth century, certainly after the reform of the Ephebeia, perhaps earlier (Aeschin. II. 167); military service ceased at 60. But how could the number of men in these twelve classes, 19-20 and 51-60, stand in the proportion of 13: 17 (16,000 less 3,000 metics, 13,000 plus 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 metics) to the men between 21 and 50 ? They could not be more than a third, and might be less. (Beloch, 1923, tries to make the problem more difficult by the arbitrary assumption that the 13,000 citizen hoplites are all the men of 21-60, instead of 21-50. Meyer, who accepts Thucydides’ figures, forgets that there must have been ‘oldest and youngest’ metics, besides the 3,000 who marched into Megara. Busolt and Meyer also argue that the classes 51-60 will have suffered specially heavy losses in the battles of 459-445, while the eight youngest classes would have seen no fighting;

Chinese Business Practice in the Late Imperial Period

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeleine Zelin
Keyword(s):  
Rapid Development ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Market Expansion ◽  
Chinese Business ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Business In China ◽  
The Impact

The rapid development of the Chinese economy over the past several decades has stimulated new interest in the institutions, practices, and social formations that supported the development of business in China before the intensification of pressure from Western traders to conform to “modern” practices in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article aims to provide a foundation for understanding merchant practice as it developed during the important years of market expansion during the last Chinese dynasty and to dispel some of the enduring myths about the Chinese merchant, his relationship to family, community, and the state, and the ideological constraints on his activities. To that end I examine several aspects of late imperial merchant culture, beginning with the everyday practices that allowed business to flourish in the Qing, turning next to the large social formations through which long-distance merchants in particular identified and pursued their interests, and ending with some preliminary thoughts on the impact of the laissez-faire policies of the last dynasty and their implications for post-Imperial China.

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