scholarly journals The Political Consequences of Labor Market Dualization: Labor Market Status, Occupational Unemployment and Policy Preferences

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-368
Author(s):  
Tim Vlandas

AbstractThis article explores empirically how different types of labor market inequality affect policy preferences in post-industrial societies. I argue that the two main conceptualizations of labor market vulnerability identified in the insider–outsider literature are complementary: labor market risks are shaped by both labor market status—whether an individual is unemployed, in a temporary or permanent contract—and occupational unemployment—whether an individual is in an occupation with high or low unemployment. As a result, both status and occupation are important determinants of individual labor market policy preferences. In this paper, I first briefly conceptualize the link between labor market divides, risks and policy preferences, and then use cross-national survey data to investigate the determinants of preferences.

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Maria Kultaieva

The article proposes the critical analyses of the P. Mehring conception of philosophical pedagogy founded on the German idealism and Humboldt’s philosophy of education.   Transformations of the philosophical pedagogy are considering on the background of organizing changes in the education in the industrial and post-industrial contexts with regard to its meaning, logics and causes. The advantages of the interdisciplinary approach are proving on the problem field of the philosophical pedagogy in times of its rising and falls.The restoration of philosophical pedagogy of the early and developed industrialism is proposing with its  idealistic and institutional paradigm   (Humboldt-Hegel-Spranger) and the alternative one – the critical anti-institutionalism(Nietzsche -Adorno-Foucault), The heuristic metaphor  of the invention of freedom shows on the political  engagement of  philosophical pedagogy  what has both the negative and positive aspects. Some political pathologies of the state in the early post-industrial societies need pedagogical treating. That is why the revival perspective of philosophical pedagogy is inquiring.  For this case some actual ideas of W. von Humboldt and its transformations are used to show the risks and dangerous of educational reforms in the post-industrial contexts.The Kantian and Hegelian transformations are researching with the aim to show different tendencies of the development of education in philosophical reflections of pedagogical issues with political consequences regarding as possible paradigmatic changes which can exist as complementary ones.  The coherence of political and pedagogical ideas can exist in different constellations pursuing different purposes. The pedagogical construct of freedom as autonomy was often used in the political programs and political decisions, but the political reason is also an important factor for the transformations of contemporary educational systems and practices. The pedagogical construct  of freedom foresees the autonomy of educational institutions and independency of individual which cal be lost by his transforming to a  Wikipedia-citizen.


Societies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asaf Levanon

Prior research on attitudes toward redistribution documents an association between one’s policy preferences and socioeconomic position, as well as an impact of welfare policy on the mean level of support for redistribution. Building on both traditions, the current paper aims to expand our understanding of the sources of public support for welfare policies by examining the role that social policy plays in shaping the policy preferences of the working poor. Building on the distinction between labor market insiders and outsiders, this paper examines whether preferences by the working poor more closely resemble those of non-poor workers or those of non-working poor individuals. Results from this study show that the degree of support for redistribution among the working poor is notably closer to the average degree reported by non-working poor individuals than the mean level reported by non-poor workers. Moreover, utilizing cross-national data from 31 countries in 13 different time-points between 1985 and 2010, the paper documents a much smaller preference gap between non-poor workers and the working poor and a higher overall level of support for redistribution in countries providing a greater degree of employment protection.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 380-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silja Häusermann

AbstractThe growing research on post-industrial labor market inequality bears a strong—yet widely misunderstood—relevance for the literature on electoral realignment. In this contribution, I contend that the assumption of “labor market outsiders” being equal to “globalization/modernization losers” is largely mistaken. Rather, atypical work and unemployment is most widespread among service workers, whose primary electoral choice is to abstain from voting. This implies that the ongoing reconfiguration of European party systems—through the rise of right-wing populist parties—is driven by skilled and routine workers in the manufacturing sector (the traditional “insiders”). Hence, the rise of right-wing populist parties reflects a political mobilization of the formerly well-protected industrial working class, rather than of labor market outsiders.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Walter

Does globalization affect the demand-side of politics, and if so, how? This paper builds on new developments in trade theory to argue that globalization matters, but that its effects on individuals’ perceptions of labor market risk and policy preferences are more heterogenous than previous research has acknowledged. Globalization exposure increases risk perceptions and demands for social protection among low-skilled individuals, but decreases them among high-skilled individuals. This conditional effect is observationally distinct from classic trade models as well as arguments that deindustrialization or ideology predominantly drive such perceptions and preferences. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 16 European countries and focusing both on trade and offshoring, the empirical analyses support the prediction that exposure to globalization affects high- and low-skilled individuals differently, leading to variation in labor market risk perceptions and policy preferences.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuula Bergqvist ◽  
Birgitta Eriksson

The aim of this article is to describe and analyze the relationship between attitudes to work, wellbeing, and labor market status among young adults in Europe and to discuss the extent to which the relationship can be understood in terms of passion or exploitation. This aim is made concrete in the following research questions: To what extent do young adults in Europe have a passionate attitude to work? Are there differences between groups with various labor market status and nationalities? Are there differences in levels of well-being between the groups of young adults with different labor market status, and differences between the countries? The results are based on an individual survey conducted with three categories of young people (18–34 years old): long-term unemployed, those in precarious employments, and those regularly employed. The study had a cross-national comparative design and the countries included were France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Sweden, and Switzerland.


Author(s):  
René Pawera ◽  
Monika Lavrovičová ◽  
Lucia Húsenicová

An important element of the management of modern companies and organizations is the proper use of diversity management and equal opportunities, aimed at eliminating discrimination in the labor market. The paper summarizes the starting points for these processes in the labor market. It describes the tendencies of the development of the solved problem in the context of the labor market conditions of the Slovak Republic. Key words: labor market inequality, equal opportunities management, diversity management


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar

Canada is unusual among advanced industrial democracies in having some provinces which regularly have greater voter turnouts for provincial than for federal elections. Provincial and federal turnouts by province in Canada are analyzed for the 1945-1998 period using multiple regression analysis, both for each set of elections and by comparing differences between the two. Federal turnout has declined over the years but provincial turnout appears to have increased slightly. Although the effects found here largely confirm previous findings about the relative effects of different types of variables found for the Canadian federal level only, several of the political explanations previously supported in cross-national research find less support. Instead, region, population density, months since the last federal or provincial election, and season of the year generally have greater and sometimes more consistent effects. This suggests the need for more studies of turnout in democracies at sub-central levels.


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