scholarly journals Labor market insecurity among the middle class: a cross-pressured group

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Schwander

AbstractThe political relevance of labor market insecurity has been questioned because (a) insider-outsider divides were considered to be a divide within the low-skilled and politically less active working class and (b) labor market insecurity runs through the middle of the household. Outsiders might therefore align their preferences with those of insiders. This contribution provides, first, evidence that labor market insecurity extends well into the higher-skilled middle class, in particular to high-skilled young adults and high-skilled women. Second, the contribution sheds light on the “household question”, that is the question whether mixed households dampen the political relevance of labor market insecurity. If labor market insecurity is concentrated in specific social groups (young adults, women) that tend to cohabit with secure insiders, the political relevance of labor market insecurity might depend on whether or not outsiders align their preferences with those of the household. In this contribution, I discuss recent work on the relevance of the household in translating labor market divides into preferences divides presenting recent work that shows that the household does not render insider-outsider divides politically irrelevant. In sum, insider-outsider divides have all the potential to become politically relevant.

1974 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 10-15
Author(s):  
Thomas Milton Kemnitz

English labor and working-class history increasingly is becoming a respectable occupation for middle-class historians, and much of the recent work reflects middle-class bias and assumptions. One clear indication of this is the use of middle-class terminology. Much of the work noticed here – and some of it is very good – is about “the lower class.” A “lower class” can be identified only from a middle-class perspective; in the 1830s and 1840s, working people contemptuously rejected terms such as “lower classes” and “humbler classes”, insisting instead that they be referred to as the working or industrious class. Middle-class men anxious for working-class support learned the lesson quickly; historians are proving more insensitive over a century later.


1974 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 10-15
Author(s):  
Thomas Milton Kemnitz

English labor and working-class history increasingly is becoming a respectable occupation for middle-class historians, and much of the recent work reflects middle-class bias and assumptions. One clear indication of this is the use of middle-class terminology. Much of the work noticed here – and some of it is very good – is about “the lower class.” A “lower class” can be identified only from a middle-class perspective; in the 1830s and 1840s, working people contemptuously rejected terms such as “lower classes” and “humbler classes”, insisting instead that they be referred to as the working or industrious class. Middle-class men anxious for working-class support learned the lesson quickly; historians are proving more insensitive over a century later.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayne Raisborough ◽  
Matt Adams

We draw on ‘new’ class analysis to argue that mockery frames many cultural representations of class and move to consider how it operates within the processes of class distinction. Influenced by theories of disparagement humour, we explore how mockery creates spaces of enunciation, which serve, when inhabited by the middle class, particular articulations of distinction from the white, working class. From there we argue that these spaces, often presented as those of humour and fun, simultaneously generate for the middle class a certain distancing from those articulations. The plays of articulation and distancing, we suggest, allow a more palatable, morally sensitive form of distinction-work for the middle-class subject than can be offered by blunt expressions of disgust currently argued by some ‘new’ class theorising. We will claim that mockery offers a certain strategic orientation to class and to distinction work before finishing with a detailed reading of two Neds comic strips to illustrate what aspects of perceived white, working class lives are deemed appropriate for these functions of mockery. The Neds, are the latest comic-strip family launched by the publishers of children's comics The Beano and The Dandy, D C Thomson and Co Ltd.


2021 ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes

This chapter deals with democracy and Rousseau's participative polity. The demands of positive freedom are also those of the political body, constituted of citizens, to organize itself. The chapter explores this ever-important notion. No freedom can be complete without a fully democratized state — and this includes the subjection of the economy to public rule. The national dimension of the movement is clearly established. Although it is largely working class, it has involved many other segments of society and can best be described as a movement of the small-middle stratum of citizens — either lower-middle class or upper-working class — what is described as 'the small-mean class'. It has been foreshadowed by police tactics against the banlieues; it has involved the most modest parts of French society directly, who have largely contributed to the movement, the middle classes, who have been commenting on it and trying to portray it as a jacquerie, or peasant revolt, and the upper classes, who have seen their iconic boulevards closed off and vandalized.


1978 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-700
Author(s):  
Miléna Charles

The Soviet Union is not able to replace western economic investments even in those African countries which become its affies. Therefore its influence is limited to the political sphere, mainly to inter-party relations. By playing a crucial rôle in Southern Africa and Ethiopia, the Soviet Union has accomplished an important step in its global strategy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/2 ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Juozapas Paškauskas

THE PROBLEM OF LEISURE TIME IN LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH-CENTURY LITHUANIA: THE WORKING CLASS CHALLENGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS In the late 19th century, leisure time became an important and publicly discussed topic in modernising Lithuanian society. This article examines how the topic of leisure time was discussed from a wide range of political positions, and how the factor of leisure time became increasingly important when considering the future scenarios of society. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the topic of leisure time, its meaningful activities, and appropriate leisure time-related issues were intertwined with discussions about the development of civilisation, new cultural standards, and challenges to the most important principles of social cohesion. The reason for the debate at that time was inseparable from the main features of modernisation: rapid economic growth, industrialisation and urbanisation, changes in the social structure, apparent features of individualisation, secularism, and the burgeoning of consumer culture. In this article, the author focuses on singling out the most important features of modernising leisure time, when work and leisure become binary categories. From this perspective, the conflict between two important social groups, namely the working class and the bourgeoisie, is highlighted. The article demonstrates how these two groups sought to establish themselves ideologically, not only by showing their right to leisure time, but also by shaping what that leisure time should be. The first group consisted of the defenders of workers’ rights (and in rare cases, workers themselves) presenting leisure time as a precondition for a better life. This assessment was seen as an instrument incorporating workers’ daily life into the rest of modern society. However, with leisure time becoming a universal human value and norm, many leisure practices that workers in the late 19th and early 20th century opted for were problematic for members of another prominent group, the bourgeoisie. In this article, the bourgeoisie, or the middle class, is defined by means of Peter Stearn’s observation that it is useful to include cultural experience, not ‘just change in political or economic structure’. Thus, emphasising the cultural rather than the economic aspect of this social group, it can be stated that, for members of the middle class, ideas of ‘decent leisure’ and ‘appropriate use of time’ were based on the values and skills of self-discipline, order and efficient organisation. In this case, leisure time was recognised as a means of the partial reform of society and national consolidation. Consequently, the issue of leisure time in late 19th-century Lithuania became an intersection where two major social groups, opinions and practices met. On one hand, the question of leisure time is indistinguishable from a utopian, sometimes paternalistic, harmonious vision of the working class and their leisure; other ways, cultural and political attitudes about the dangers of the working class (and, of course, it is most dangerous after finishing work), arose from seeing how many late 19th-century workers chose meaningless, harmful and violent leisure activities. In both cases, the culture of leisure time in late 19th and early 20th-century Lithuania could be seen not as a routine or a temporary escape from social norms, but rather as a process for modern culture to appear in everyday life, contributing to the emergence of new social and cultural identities.


Author(s):  
Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite

This chapter uses responses to Mass Observation’s 1990 directive on ‘social divisions’ to examine what the Mass Observers thought about class. It concludes that earlier accounts have overstated these (largely middle-class) writers’ comfortableness with technical, sociological class language. Rather, many were hostile to or ambivalent about using such terms, and drew on popular culture, especially humour, when talking about class. A rejection of ‘class’ and snobbishness, and an emphasis on ordinariness and authenticity, were again central to many Mass Observers’ writings about class. In their testimonies, we can also see that new ethnic diversity and new, more diverse norms of gender in post-war Britain had disrupted the old class categories. Upwardly mobile people were particularly over-represented among the Mass Observers and their writing shows that upward social mobility—which expanded in the post-war decades—could lead to a cultural ‘homelessness’ and critiques of both traditional working-class and traditional middle-class cultures.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiina Sihto

The aim of this study is to examine the ways in which social class shapes the return-to-work decisions of Finnish working-class and middle-class mothers, and how these decisions are structured by the constraints and opportunities mothers face in the local labor market. The focus of the study is in the local labor market of the city of Jyväskylä. The data consist of two semi-structured focus group interviews of 14 employed mothers of below school-age children. Using the framework of “gendered moral rationalities,” the study shows that there are similarities in mothers’ experiences, while the structural constraints mothers faced when deciding about the timing of returning back to work differ. The analysis highlights that the differences were not only dependent on social class but also on the situation in the local labor market. For working-class mothers, the most crucial issue was the financial strain that their staying at home caused to their families. For middle-class mothers, finding employment opportunities that would match their educational qualifications in the local labor market had been challenging, which affected their timing of returning back to work. The paper concludes that local labor market plays an important role in mother’s return-to-work decisions and should be explored further in differing geographical contexts.


Author(s):  
Bryn Rosenfeld

This chapter provides a background on Ukraine when it was struggling to consolidate democracy. It examines existing theories that expect human capital formation and a growing middle-class to enhance the autocratic middle-class prospects for democratization. By focusing on the case of Ukraine, it also explores whether dependence on the state for economic opportunities and life chances moderates middle-class demands for democratic institutions. The chapter uses a panel survey spanning the Orange Revolution, which assesses how the distinctive political orientations of different groups within the middle-class affected the nature of protest coalitions during Ukraine's 2004 democratic breakthrough. It makes use of a difference-in-differences design to demonstrate that reliance on the state for economic opportunity caused the political preferences of new labor market entrants to diverge.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-457
Author(s):  
Georges Lavau

The intellectual structures which can easily be applied to the political and social realities of Northern Europe are largely irrelevant to those of Southern Europe, and certainly, to those of France.Three postulates are implicit in considering the problem of the changing relations between the trade unions and the working-class parties.One is that in every European industrial country there are working-class parties. In addition there are parties which are not working class, but bourgeois middle class, conservateurs, popolare or volksparteien (and the logic of this postulate even implies that there is, in fact, only one working-class party of any real political significance).


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