Between Anger and Engagement: Donald Trump and Black America

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher C. Towler ◽  
Christopher S. Parker
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Black America ◽  
Movement Dynamics ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
The Right ◽  
Racial Progress

AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.

Racial Differences in Motivators and Barriers to Blood Donation Among Blood Donors

2009 ◽  
Vol 133 (9) ◽  
pp. 1444-1447
Author(s):  
Beth H. Shaz ◽  
Derrick G. Demmons ◽  
Krista L. Hillyer ◽  
Robert E. Jones ◽  
Christopher D. Hillyer
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Blood Donors ◽  
Blood Donation ◽  
Screening Process ◽  
Center Staff ◽  
Predominately White ◽  
Donation Frequency ◽  
The Right

Abstract Context.—Nationally, African Americans are underrepresented in community blood donation programs. To increase blood donation by African Americans, differences between motivators and barriers to blood donation between races should be investigated. Objective.—To investigate motivators and barriers to blood donation in African American and white blood donors. Design.—An 18-item, anonymous, self-administered questionnaire regarding demographics and motivators and barriers to donation was completed by blood donors at a predominately African American and a predominately white fixed donation site. Results.—A total of 599 participants (20% African American, 75% white, and 5% other) completed the survey. The most commonly reported reasons to donate included: “because it is the right thing to do” (45% African Americans and 62% white) and “because I want to help save a life” (63% African Americans and 47% white). Unpleasant experiences did not differ as a barrier to continue donation between African Americans and whites. African Americans placed more importance on donating blood to someone with sickle cell disease, convenience of blood donation, treatment of donor center staff, and level of privacy during the screening process. Conclusions.—These data suggest that in a large metropolitan area, reasons for donation among African American and white donors differ. To retain and increase donation frequency of African American donors, these factors should be considered in creating an African American donor recruitment and retention program.

Living with Lynching

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koritha Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Black Church ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Read Aloud ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right ◽  
White Violence

This book demonstrates that popular lynching plays were mechanisms through which African American communities survived actual and photographic mob violence. Often available in periodicals, lynching plays were read aloud or acted out by black church members, schoolchildren, and families. This book shows that these community performances and readings presented victims as honorable heads of households being torn from model domestic units by white violence, counter to the dominant discourses that depicted lynching victims as isolated brutes. Examining lynching plays as archival texts that embody broad networks of sociocultural exchange in the lives of black Americans, the author finds that audiences were rehearsing and improvising new ways of enduring in the face of widespread racial terrorism. Images of the black soldier, lawyer, mother, and wife helped readers assure each other that they were upstanding individuals who deserved the right to participate in national culture and politics. These powerful community coping efforts helped African Americans band together and withstand the nation's rejection of them as viable citizens.

Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cottrell ◽  
Michael C. Herron ◽  
Javier M. Rodriguez ◽  
Daniel A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
African American Men ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Premature Death ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Right

On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.

African Americans

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Bettez
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Food ◽  
The Us ◽  
War Effort ◽  
American Resident ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

This chapter discusses the dilemma of African Americans: whether to support a war to make America safe for democracy, even though they were often denied civil rights and democratic freedoms such as the right to vote. Louisville African American resident and newspaperman Roscoe Conklin Simmons supported the US entry into the war and tried to rally Kentucky blacks to the war effort. Black newspaper publisher Phil Brown of Hopkinsville was also active in this endeavor. He initially assisted federal food administrator Fred Sackett in food conservation efforts and then turned his attention to garnering and organizing black support for other war-support activities. This included African Americans who joined the military, many of whom trained at Camp Taylor. The chapter includes the experiences of Austin Kinnaird, a white officer from Louisville who commanded black troops, and Charles Lewis, a black soldier still in uniform when he was lynched in Fulton County a month after the armistice.

scholarly journals Novel Homozygous Missense Variant in GJA3 Connexin Domain Causing Congenital Nuclear and Cortical Cataracts

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 240
Author(s):  
Abdullah Y. Hassan ◽  
Sairah Yousaf ◽  
Moran R. Levin ◽  
Osamah J. Saeedi ◽  
Saima Riazuddin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Visual Acuity ◽  
African American ◽  
Structural Analysis ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Missense Variant ◽  
African American Family ◽  
American Family ◽  
Childhood Blindness ◽  
Bona Fide ◽  
The Right

Congenital cataracts (CC) are responsible for approximately one-tenth of childhood blindness cases globally. Here, we report an African American family with a recessively inherited form of CC. The proband demonstrated decreased visual acuity and bilateral cataracts, with nuclear and cortical cataracts in the right and left eye, respectively. Exome sequencing revealed a novel homozygous variant (c.563A > G; p.(Asn188Ser)) in GJA3, which was predicted to be pathogenic by structural analysis. Dominantly inherited variants in GJA3 are known to cause numerous types of cataracts in various populations. Our study represents the second case of recessive GJA3 allele, and the first report in African Americans. These results validate GJA3 as a bona fide gene for recessively inherited CC in humans.

6. African American Christianity since 1980

2014 ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
Eddie S. Glaude
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The Political ◽  
Black America ◽  
American Christianity ◽  
Neighborhood Church

‘African American Christianity Since 1980’ is concerned with the contemporary phase, beginning with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 and the significant demographic and political shifts that have changed the landscape of American Christianity. The neighborhood church is fast disappearing. More and more African Americans are joining large megachurches and are engaged in neo-Pentecostal worship. The influence of celebrity preachers continues to grow as they leverage various media to propagate their message and their brand. All the while the political and economic circumstances of black America continue to worsen, and one wonders what role might this particular expression of African American Christianity play in the lives of so many who suffer in the shadows.

Cross-Racial Mobilization in Perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 160-174
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Racial Lines ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S

The final chapter summarizes the research developed and presented in chapters 1 through 5. The chapter discusses the rise of Donald Trump, his takeover of the Republican Party, and what this means for continued political polarization along racial lines. Despite the immigration policies of the Reagan and Bush Administrations, and general warmth to Latinos under Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush, the contemporary GOP seems set to generate policies that disproportionately target and lock up immigrants. The pull to the right on immigration policy is likely generating major long-term political and coalitional consequences. While this policy may be smart for the GOP in the short term (i.e., Trump won the 2016 election by employing hard-right anti-Mexican racial appeals), in the long term, as the U.S. rapidly diversifies, this approach will lead to an extremely untenable for the GOP and Democrats work to strengthen their position with minority voters in general and Latinos in particular.

Teaching the counter story. An analysis of narration in African American cookbooks using Critical Race Theory

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Jill White
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
Critical Race ◽  
Race Theory ◽  
Institutionalized Racism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Nutrition Educators ◽  
Good Food

As nutrition educators we must promote sensitivity to the historical roots of eating and food patterns.  This analysis of narratives from a sampling of cookbooks written by African Americans, represents an attempt to give voice to an unconventional source of documentation regarding the historical experiences of a people oppressed by enslavement and institutionalized racism as told through recipe sharing.  The themes that emerged from an examination of the missions and motivations of the authors included; history, work, cultural tradition, and empowerment in the struggle to survive. Critical Race Theory provided a lens to examine the counter story told by these authors. The counter story documented the unrecognized contributions of African Americans to the culture of all food practices in America, through their roles as cooks in domestic and industrial settings, as well as their own homes.  We need to develop an appreciation of the celebration of life that is expressed through food in the African American community.  And we must advocate for the right to good food, healthcare and education for all of the communities and people we serve.

scholarly journals “I’m Not the President of Black America”: Rhetorical versus Policy Representation

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 1038-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavielle E. Haines ◽  
Tali Mendelberg ◽  
Bennett Butler
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Minority Representation ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Black America ◽  
American President ◽  
Policy Representation ◽  
Policy Proposals ◽  
Rule Out

A key question in the study of minority representation is whether descriptive representatives provide superior substantive representation. Neglected in this literature is the distinction between two forms of substantive representation: rhetoric versus policy. We provide a systematic comparison of presidential minority representation along these two dimensions. Barack Obama was the first African American president, yet his substantive representation of African Americans has not been fully evaluated. Using speech and budget data, we find that relative to comparable presidents, Obama offered weaker rhetorical representation, but stronger policy representation, on race and poverty. While we cannot rule out non-racial explanations, Obama’s policy proposals are consistent with minority representation. His actions also suggest that descriptive representatives may provide relatively better policy representation but worse rhetorical representation, at least when the constituency is a numerical minority. We thus highlight an understudied tension between rhetoric and policy in theories of minority representation.

Unrelenting Racial Progress

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy L. Brooks
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Socioeconomic Class ◽  
Basic Equality ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Racial Progress

Beyond the usual coordinates of racism, conventionally defined, and socioeconomic class lies a form of racial inequality that has not been fully studied or developed in scholarly circles or public discussions about the problems African Americans, or blacks, face in our post–Jim Crow society. This form of racial inequality subordinates racial advancement to competing nonracist interests. It disadvantages all blacks, including the rich and famous—Oprah and President Obama—by making it more difficult than it otherwise has to be for blacks to climb out of the abyss of racial degradation wrought by slavery and Jim Crow. Racial degradation strikes at the heart of basic equality; that is, human dignity, equal worth. I call this form of racial inequality racial subordination....

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