Living with Lynching

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koritha Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Black Church ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Read Aloud ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right ◽  
White Violence

This book demonstrates that popular lynching plays were mechanisms through which African American communities survived actual and photographic mob violence. Often available in periodicals, lynching plays were read aloud or acted out by black church members, schoolchildren, and families. This book shows that these community performances and readings presented victims as honorable heads of households being torn from model domestic units by white violence, counter to the dominant discourses that depicted lynching victims as isolated brutes. Examining lynching plays as archival texts that embody broad networks of sociocultural exchange in the lives of black Americans, the author finds that audiences were rehearsing and improvising new ways of enduring in the face of widespread racial terrorism. Images of the black soldier, lawyer, mother, and wife helped readers assure each other that they were upstanding individuals who deserved the right to participate in national culture and politics. These powerful community coping efforts helped African Americans band together and withstand the nation's rejection of them as viable citizens.

Racial Differences in Motivators and Barriers to Blood Donation Among Blood Donors

2009 ◽  
Vol 133 (9) ◽  
pp. 1444-1447
Author(s):  
Beth H. Shaz ◽  
Derrick G. Demmons ◽  
Krista L. Hillyer ◽  
Robert E. Jones ◽  
Christopher D. Hillyer
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Blood Donors ◽  
Blood Donation ◽  
Screening Process ◽  
Center Staff ◽  
Predominately White ◽  
Donation Frequency ◽  
The Right

Abstract Context.—Nationally, African Americans are underrepresented in community blood donation programs. To increase blood donation by African Americans, differences between motivators and barriers to blood donation between races should be investigated. Objective.—To investigate motivators and barriers to blood donation in African American and white blood donors. Design.—An 18-item, anonymous, self-administered questionnaire regarding demographics and motivators and barriers to donation was completed by blood donors at a predominately African American and a predominately white fixed donation site. Results.—A total of 599 participants (20% African American, 75% white, and 5% other) completed the survey. The most commonly reported reasons to donate included: “because it is the right thing to do” (45% African Americans and 62% white) and “because I want to help save a life” (63% African Americans and 47% white). Unpleasant experiences did not differ as a barrier to continue donation between African Americans and whites. African Americans placed more importance on donating blood to someone with sickle cell disease, convenience of blood donation, treatment of donor center staff, and level of privacy during the screening process. Conclusions.—These data suggest that in a large metropolitan area, reasons for donation among African American and white donors differ. To retain and increase donation frequency of African American donors, these factors should be considered in creating an African American donor recruitment and retention program.

African American Dreams

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan W. White
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Free African Americans

The experience of slavery had an indelible effect on the dreams of black Americans. Some slaves dreamt of escape, or of loved ones who had been sold away. Former slaves sometimes had vivid dreams of being returned into slavery. Whether slave or free, African Americans often looked to their dreams as signs from God or as confirmation of their conversion to Christianity. White Americans tended to look down on African American dream practices as superstitious, but in fact, white and black Americans had a shared dream culture that stretched back into the colonial era.

The Optics of Liberian Emigration

2020 ◽  
pp. 145-167
Author(s):  
Aston Gonzalez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Black People ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Colonization Society ◽  
Fugitive Slave

This chapter explores the life and work of Augustus Washington, the free African American photographer, who envisioned more rights and freedoms than those available in the United States. Anticipating a future in the United States bound by racial restraints, he packed up his successful photography studio in Hartford, Connecticut, and emigrated to Monrovia, Liberia. Washington worked closely with the American Colonization Society to convince black Americans to leave their homeland for Liberia and attempted to provoke viewers of his images to envision the potential of black rights in the United States that he enjoyed in Liberia. Washington’s images promulgating black Liberian political leadership and economic promise abroad offered a vision of freedom that belied a hierarchical, and often oppressive, Liberian society. In the wake of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, his images brought into focus the debates among African Americans about the uncertain, and perhaps imperiled, future of black people in the United States.

Can Republican African Americans Win African American Votes? A Field Experiment

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 465-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Niven
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Field Experiment ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Preference Order ◽  
Demographic Trends ◽  
Political Preference ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Face

In the face of its 2012 defeat and looming demographic trends that did not bode well for the party’s future presidential candidates, the Republican National Committee officially declared its intention to recruit more African American candidates for office. But will fielding more African American candidates likely attract more African American votes for Republicans? Here, I employ a field experiment using real candidates and real votes cast in two down-ballot races featuring African American Republican candidates. Among voters who received mailings highlighting both race and party, African American voters responded primarily to party, in the process largely rejecting these two candidates. By contrast, African American voters responded more favorably when they learned the race, but not the party, of these candidates. The results here suggest something of a self-affirming political preference order in which African Americans felt affirmed by voting for a fellow African American, but only when they did not see that candidate as conflicting with a more central aspect of their political identity.

Between Anger and Engagement: Donald Trump and Black America

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher C. Towler ◽  
Christopher S. Parker
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Black America ◽  
Movement Dynamics ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
The Right ◽  
Racial Progress

AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Almeda M. Wright
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Young People ◽  
Black Church ◽  
Community Involvement ◽  
African American Youth ◽  
African American Community ◽  
Healthy Development ◽  
Highly Active

Young African Americans regularly experience racism, poverty, sexism, violence, and other affronts to their humanity. Though they are often highly active and vocal contributors to their churches, schools, and neighborhood communities, they are often silent about the possibility of God working to address the injustices in their lives. The disconnection between the issues young people face, their community involvement, and their conceptions of God point toward the pervasiveness of “fragmented” spirituality among African American youth. Spiritual fragmentation does not necessarily inhibit healthy development or functioning. However, the African American community and church are at risk if they fail to challenge the myth that the personal and the communal or the spiritual and political are in fact disconnected. But why are African American Christian adolescents experiencing spiritual fragmentation? Is spiritual fragmentation symptomatic of an irreparable chasm between the Black church and Black youth? Or are there other factors at play?

scholarly journals Jim Crow Downunder? African American Encounters with White Australia, 1942––1945

2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Brawley ◽  
Chris Dixon
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
American South ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
White Americans ◽  
American Experience ◽  
The American South ◽  
The U.S

Between 1941 and 1945, as the U.S. military machine sent millions of Americans——and American culture——around the world, several thousand African Americans spent time in Australia. Armed with little knowledge of Australian racial values and practices, black Americans encoutered a nation whose long-standing commitment to the principle of "White Australia" appeared to rest comfortably with the segregative policies commonly associated with the American South. Nonetheless, while African Americans did encounter racism and discrimination——practices often encouraged by the white Americans who were also stationed in Australia during the war——there is compelling evidence that their experiences were not always negative. Indeed, for many black Americans, Australians' apparent open-mindedness and racial views of white Britons and others with whom African Americans came into contact during the war. Making use of U.S. Army censors' reports and paying attention to black Americans' views of their experiences in Australia, this article not only casts light on an aspect of American-Australian relations that has hitherto recieved scant scholarly attention and reveals something about the African American experience, but also offers insights into race relations within the U.S. armed forces.

scholarly journals Psychiatric Disorders Among Older Black Americans: Within- and Between-Group Differences

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Joseph Taylor ◽  
Linda M Chatters
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
African American ◽  
Risk Factor ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Psychiatric Disorders ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Black American ◽  
American Population ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Psychiatric disorders impose significant personal, social, and financial costs for individuals, families, and the nation. Despite a large amount of research and several journals focused on psychiatric conditions, there is a paucity of research on psychiatric disorders among Black Americans (i.e., African Americans and Black Caribbeans), particularly older Black Americans. The present literature review examines research on psychiatric disorders among older Black Americans and provides a broad overview of research findings that are based on nationally representative studies. Collectively, this research finds: (1) older African Americans have lower rates of psychiatric disorders than younger African Americans; (2) family support is not protective of psychiatric disorders, whereas negative interaction with family members is a risk factor; (3) everyday discrimination is a risk factor for psychiatric disorders; (4) both older African Americans and African American across the adult age range have lower prevalence rates of psychiatric disorders than non-Latino whites; (5) Black Caribbean men have particularly high rates of depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, and suicide attempts; and (6) a significant proportion of African American older adults with mental health disorders do not receive professional help. This literature review also discusses the “Race Paradox” in mental health, the Environmental Affordances Model, and the importance of investigating ethnicity differences among Black Americans. Future research directions address issues that are directly relevant to the Black American population and include the following: (1) understanding the impact of mass incarceration on the psychiatric disorders of prisoners’ family members, (2) assessing the impact of immigration from African countries for ethnic diversity within the Black American population, (3) examining the impact of racial identity and racial socialization as potential protective factors for psychiatric morbidities, and (4) assessing racial diversity in life-course events and their impact on mental health.

Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cottrell ◽  
Michael C. Herron ◽  
Javier M. Rodriguez ◽  
Daniel A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
African American Men ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Premature Death ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Right

On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.

African Americans

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Bettez
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Food ◽  
The Us ◽  
War Effort ◽  
American Resident ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

This chapter discusses the dilemma of African Americans: whether to support a war to make America safe for democracy, even though they were often denied civil rights and democratic freedoms such as the right to vote. Louisville African American resident and newspaperman Roscoe Conklin Simmons supported the US entry into the war and tried to rally Kentucky blacks to the war effort. Black newspaper publisher Phil Brown of Hopkinsville was also active in this endeavor. He initially assisted federal food administrator Fred Sackett in food conservation efforts and then turned his attention to garnering and organizing black support for other war-support activities. This included African Americans who joined the military, many of whom trained at Camp Taylor. The chapter includes the experiences of Austin Kinnaird, a white officer from Louisville who commanded black troops, and Charles Lewis, a black soldier still in uniform when he was lynched in Fulton County a month after the armistice.

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