scholarly journals The U.S. Embassy Move to Jerusalem: Mixed Messages and Mixed Blessings for Israel?

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 34-45
Author(s):  
Mick Dumper

AbstractThe U.S. decision in December 2017 to move its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem recognizes the latter as the capital of Israel. While violating several UN resolutions and international law, it has in the short-term impacted the negotiations between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel. In the longer term we can see that the impact of the decision is also more complex and nuanced. There are three main areas which suggest this to be the case: First, the lack of clarity over the decision itself; second, the varying degrees of sovereignty exercised by Israel in different parts of Jerusalem due to the city's long and religiously diverse history; and thirdly, the contradictions inherent in imposing a nationalist ideology upon a cosmopolitan and heterodox city.

Author(s):  
Arni S.R. Srinivasa Rao ◽  
Douglas D. Miller ◽  
Adam E. Berman ◽  
David C. Hess ◽  
Steven G. Krantz

AbstractImportanceGiven the rapid rise of COVID-19 cases in the U.S. during March 2020 there has been a severe burden on the health care systems and care providers in the country. The impact of the virus so far was higher on the population aged 65+. Hospitalizations were higher among those with underlying medical conditions, namely, hypertension, cardiovascular and lung diseases. Hence, to have an idea of the number of new COVID-19 infections among these high-risk populations that could occur in the short-term could assist promptly to the country’s health care system for immediate health care planning. These estimates may aid us in better understanding the potential volumes of patients requiring inpatient care.ObjectiveTo provide immediate and short-term model-based predictions of COVID-19 patients in the U.S. population aged 65+ during April-June, 2020, those with the prior medical conditions of hypertension, cardiovascular and lung diseases.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsWe developed age-structured dynamic mathematical combined with wavelet analysis to understand the number of new cases that may emerge in the U.S. population aged 65+. We have estimated the number of people aged 65+ who might have three underlying conditions mentioned and a possible number of hospitalizations among them due to COVID-19 if they get infected. We have used publicly available data sources for developing our framework and estimates.ResultsWe estimate that there are 13 million individuals aged 65+ who have one or a combination of three major prior medical conditions in the U.S. who need to be protected against COVID-19 to reduce a large number of hospitalizations and associated deaths. Hospitalizations of patients both with and without ICU-admissions with more prevalent underlying conditions could range between 31,633 (20,310 non-ICU hospitalizations and 11,323 ICU-admissions) to 94,666 (60,779 non-ICU hospitalizations and 33,866 ICU-admissions) cases during the same period. Under a rapid spread of the virus environment, these hospitalizations could be beyond 430,000 within the above three-month period.Conclusions and RelevanceCOVID-19 continues to dramatically and adversely affect the lives of people aged 65+ in the U.S. During the next three months which could result in thousands of hospitalizations if precautions against the virus spread are not implemented and adhered to.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 239-240
Author(s):  
Marylin Johnson Raisch

There are many current threads in human rights research today; some are extensions of more traditional concerns, and others call upon the application of human rights law as a part of international law that is evoked by recent and changing realities. There is, first, a historical turn in international law that is relevant to human rights even though it is more traditional for legal scholarship to look at such sources. Recently, Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and discoveries about the role of the women's peace movement (as women endured and challenged the mixed messages about their roles at the time of the founding of the League of Nations) are new perspectives in that they were previously set aside, as were indigenous people's perspectives. Historian Reza Afshari and others have spoken to the focus on structural transformation and lived realities as a more political methodology for human rights, going beyond discourse and its possible Western biases. Third, environmental research has emerged in a new way, using empirical data and big data to track the impact on health and human rights; included here may be the current situation of the COVID-19 pandemic. There are also new developments in the law of war, such as drone strikes, which take us toward automated war. The automation of human functions and judgments takes us, finally, to this panel's focus on human rights research: artificial intelligence, or AI. There may arise a theory of agency implicating those who create or operate AI outside a war context, or even within it as alleged war crimes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK PEFFLEY ◽  
MARC L. HUTCHISON ◽  
MICHAL SHAMIR

How do persistent terrorist attacks influence political tolerance, a willingness to extend basic liberties to one's enemies? Studies in the U.S. and elsewhere have produced a number of valuable insights into how citizens respond to singular, massive attacks like 9/11. But they are less useful for evaluating how chronic and persistent terrorist attacks erode support for democratic values over the long haul. Our study focuses on political tolerance levels in Israel across a turbulent 30-year period, from 1980 to 2011, which allows us to distinguish the short-term impact of hundreds of terrorist attacks from the long-term influence of democratic longevity on political tolerance. We find that the corrosive influence of terrorism on political tolerance is much more powerful among Israelis who identify with the Right, who have also become much more sensitive to terrorism over time. We discuss the implications of our findings for other democracies under threat from terrorism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Bessant

That states should act to prevent domestic violence and protect victims is clearly acknowledged in international law. Yet international law confirms also that victims, perpetrators and their families have rights to privacy, to a family life and to a home. The extent to which rights to respect for private and family life should be interfered with in order to protect victims remains in dispute. With the aim of improving the protection afforded to domestic violence victims in England and Wales, in 2011–2012 the police and courts piloted the use of two new short-term protective measures; domestic violence protection notices and orders. Between 2012 and 2013 the police also piloted the domestic violence disclosure scheme, which saw prospective victims provided with information about their partner’s previous violent behaviour. The disclosure scheme and the domestic violence protection orders and notices were rolled out nationally in March 2014. In this article, consideration is given to the impact these two initiatives will have on the privacy of victims and perpetrators, an issue not considered in government evaluations of the pilots. This article analyses whether the roll-out of these new initiatives is justified, given their potential for interference in private and family life.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-38
Author(s):  
Polina V. Bakulina ◽  
◽  
Ksenia A. Kuzmina ◽  

This article aims at analyzing the People’s Republic of China’s sanctions policy. The authors put special emphasis on the review of the current Chinese legislation on countering foreign unilateral measures targeting China. The emergence of a legal anti-sanctions framework in China is a development of 2020–2021, driven by the growing number of sanctions against China imposed by the U.S. and its allies against the background of trade war and global strategic competition. At the official level, Beijing remains vocal in condemning unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions by certain countries as violations of international law. Despite that, even before the current large-scale confrontation with the U.S, Chinese policymakers have used restrictive measures against third countries, though they have been traditionally adopted in an informal and opaque manner. Those measures have mostly been used as retaliation for certain acts of other states viewed by China as threats to its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and they have been specifically refined to maximize the impact on the target country while minimizing the damage to the domestic economy. The growing number of anti-China sanctions by the U.S. and its allies based on special legal instruments prompted the PRC to follow suit and create its own framework for introducing countermeasures and blocking mechanisms, although their implementation procedures still largely remain intransparent. China’s first steps were to officially introduce individual restrictions, but the persisting confrontational trends in PRC’s relations with the West might bring about formal or informal broadening of Chinese restrictions to transnational corporations and sectors of economy and promote further formalization of sanctions regimes.


Author(s):  
Florian Arendt

A test was done to see if reading a newspaper which consistently overrepresents foreigners as criminals strengthens the automatic association between foreign country and criminal in memory (i.e., implicit cultivation). Further, an investigation was done to find out if reading articles from the same newspaper produces a short-term effect on the same measure and if (1) emotionalization of the newspaper texts, (2) emotional reactions of the reader (indicated by arousal), and (3) attributed text credibility moderate the short-term treatment effect. Eighty-five participants were assigned to one of three experimental conditions. Participants in the control group received short factual crime texts, where the nationality of the offender was not mentioned. Participants in the factual treatment group received the same texts, but the foreign nationality was mentioned. Participants in the emotionalized treatment group received emotionalized articles (i.e., texts which are high in vividness and frequency) covering the same crimes, with the foreign nationality mentioned. Supporting empirical evidence for implicit cultivation and a short-term effect was found. However, only emotionalized articles produced a short-term effect on the strength of the automatic association, indicating that newspaper texts must have a minimum of stimulus intensity to overcome an effect threshold. There were no moderating effects of arousal or credibility pertaining to the impact on the implicit measure. However, credibility moderated the short-term effect on a first-order judgment (i.e., estimated frequency of foreigners of all criminals). This indicates that a newspaper’s effect on the strength of automatic associations is relatively independent from processes of propositional reasoning.


Author(s):  
Irina A. Prushkovskaya ◽  
Ira B. Tsoy

The study of diatoms in the sediments of the Amur Bay (Sea of Japan), formed over the last 2000 years, showed that the sharp short-term drops in the concentration of diatoms coincide with the minima of bromine content, which can be explained by the influence of typhoons or other catastrophic events leading to floods and used later in paleoreconstructions.


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