THE STRATEGIC INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF LAND TENURE IN ‘STATE-BUILDING’: THE CASE OF JUBA, SOUTH SUDAN

Africa ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naseem Badiey
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Change ◽  
Land Tenure ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Local Dynamics ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
The Town

ABSTRACTDebates over land tenure have been instrumental to state-building in South Sudan since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Focusing on the local dynamics of post-conflict reconstruction in the town of Juba, this article argues that amidst the political and institutional change inaugurated by the transition from war to peace, debates over land provided a basis for the negotiation of the South Sudanese state. Actors at a variety of levels employed competing interpretations of rights to land as state-building strategies – as tools towards promoting particular visions of the state and of citizenship.

scholarly journals The humanitarian protectorate of South Sudan? Understanding insecurity for humanitarians in a political economy of aid

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-370
Author(s):  
Bram J. Jansen
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
State Building ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
The Everyday

ABSTRACTThis paper aims to contribute to debates about humanitarian governance and insecurity in post-conflict situations. It takes the case of South Sudan to explore the relations between humanitarian agencies, the international community, and local authorities, and the ways international and local forms of power become interrelated and contested, and to what effect. The paper is based on eight months of ethnographic research in various locations in South Sudan between 2011 and 2013, in which experiences with and approaches to insecurity among humanitarian aid actors were studied. The research found that many security threats can be understood in relation to the everyday practices of negotiating and maintaining humanitarian access. Perceiving this insecurity as violation or abuse of a moral and practical humanitarianism neglects how humanitarian aid in practice was embedded in broader state building processes. This paper posits instead that much insecurity for humanitarian actors is a symptom of the blurring of international and local forms of power, and this mediates the development of a humanitarian protectorate.

Concluding Reflections

2020 ◽  
pp. 320-344
Author(s):  
Alex De Waal
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Strategic Ambiguity ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Theories Of Change ◽  
Core Issues

This chapter draws upon the contributions to this volume and adds additional reflections on peacemaking in Sudan and South Sudan, to draw out some patterns and general conclusions. It frames the analysis within the theories of change implicit in international and domestic Sudanese approaches to peacemaking. The principal argument is that peace processes should be seen as an extension of politics, characterized by strategic ambiguity, pursuing parallel tracks, and positioning for future opportunities that cannot be identified in advance. By contrast, international peacemakers’ theories of change are structured to achieve a singular unified settlement, or to pursue external interests. Sudanese/South Sudanese civic actors’ strategies go beyond ‘inclusion’ to agenda setting and generating coalitions for change. These differences are illustrated with reference to how the Comprehensive Peace Agreement managed its core issues (economy and security) and its marginal or excluded issues (Abyei, the ‘two areas’ and Darfur).

Uganda regional agenda may face setback

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Regional Policy ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Spillover Effects ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Regional Agenda ◽  
Better Than

Subject Uganda's regional policy. Significance Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni on September 16 attended a series of meetings in Khartoum with incoming South Sudanese First Vice-President Riek Machar. Machar's spokesperson said that the main outcome was Uganda's assurance that it will withdraw its military (UPDF) from South Sudan as per the recent South Sudan peace agreement. The development reflects a wider context in which Uganda's regional clout is under strain. Impacts Military intervention in Somalia will exacerbate that country's spillover effects for insecurity in the wider region. The UPDF's role in AMISOM heightens Uganda's vulnerability to al-Shabaab attacks. However, Uganda will manage these better than Kenya, partly due to its long-term character as a security state.

South Sudan's multiple conflicts will not subside

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
The Government ◽  
Sudanese Refugees

Significance South Sudan is facing severe conflict and insecurity, a prolonged political crisis, and dire economic conditions. A peace agreement signed in August 2015 is falling apart, and fighting and violence during the past year has caused the number of South Sudanese refugees in Uganda to rise to 900,000 -- with a further 375,000 in Sudan and 287,000 in Ethiopia. Earlier this year, aid agencies declared a famine situation in several counties, and appealed for more humanitarian aid and improved access. Impacts Oil output is likely to remain at, or near, 130,000-160,000 barrels per day. Juba’s fiscal situation will remain precarious, with the government unable to secure loans from donors. Unrest and limited strikes over salary arrears could increase.

Mitigating violence by solving the commitment problem in post-conflict negotiations

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Yukako Sakabe Tanaka
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Formal Model ◽  
State Building ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Commitment Problem ◽  
Political Groups

Why do some political groups choose to remain militant when they have the opportunity to transform into political parties or become members of state organs? By scrutinizing the power-sharing negotiations held before a country’s first election, this article argues that the group that leads the negotiations faces the challenge of accepting or declining the policy proposed by its counterpart who poses a threat of violence. Even if the counterpart proposes policy that is acceptable to the leading faction, fulfilling the commitment in regard to the political deal is another challenge for the leading faction. Such challenges often fail and consequently cause violence. In contrast, some counterparts can successfully transform themselves into non-violent political agencies regardless of whether they make compromises in policies or not. Third parties can play a vital role in avoiding violence by influencing actors’ decision-making or enhancing the leading faction’s ability to achieve its commitment. The article illustrates this argument by presenting a formal model and then testing the model by examining the case of Timor-Leste. It suggests specific conditions required for negotiations under which armed groups transform into peaceful actors when introduction of democracy and state-building are ongoing.

scholarly journals The need for a good enough territorial and economic governance in south Sudan

1970 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Francis Onditi ◽  
Cristina D’Alessandro
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
Political System ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Peace And Conflict ◽  
Political Governance

Peace and conflict dynamics in South Sudan are intertwined with political governance, institutional capacities, and leadership. Nevertheless, in the specific South Sudanese intractable civil wars since signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, territorial and economic governance are also certainly strictly connected to any possible prospect of sustainable peace for the country. As such, after carefully defining these concepts, this article emphasizes that territorial governance in South Sudan relates to boundaries definition and to the division of the national territory in states with a certain degree of autonomy. The issues and divergences engendered by territorial governance are intertwined with economic governance concerns. The uneven distribution of natural resources (especially oil) produces wealth and power redistribution concerns that are at the core of contentious relations between social and ethnic groups. These circles of tensions rapidly degenerate into conflict in a context of widespread poverty, inequality, and consequent social vulnerability. The article defines and illustrates a “good enough” territorial and economic governance framework for the South Sudanese case study.Keywords: South Sudan; Governance; Resources; Territory; Political System.

scholarly journals Deals and Dealings: Inconclusive Peace and Treacherous Trade along the South Sudan-Uganda Border

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 5-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Schomerus ◽  
Kristof Titeca
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The South ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
State Authority ◽  
Broad Consensus ◽  
Authority Structures

Since Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, its border with Uganda has become a hub of activity. Contrasting developments on the Ugandan side of the border with those on the South Sudanese side, the paper draws on empirical fieldwork to argue that the CPA has created new centres of power in the margins of both states. However, in day-today dealings on either side of the border, South Sudanese military actors have become dominant. In the particular case of Arua and the South Sudan-Uganda border, past wartime authority structures determine access to opportunities in a tightly regulated, inconclusive peace. This means that small-scale Ugandan traders – although vital to South Sudan – have become more vulnerable to South Sudan's assertions of state authority. The experience of Ugandan traders calls into question the broad consensus that trade across the border is always beneficial for peace-building The paper concludes that trade is not unconditionally helpful to the establishment of a peaceful environment for everyone.

scholarly journals Estranged Political Relationships: Demystifying the Root Causes of Violent Conflicts in South Sudan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Onapa
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Power Struggles ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Many ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Depth Interviews

The breaking of peace agreements and the subsequent perpetuation of civil war in South Sudan are sustained by the failure to adopt broad interventions addressing the many layers of the conflict. An understanding of the multiple causes of the conflict can form the basis for a successful and durable peace agreement. To investigate why violent conflict persists, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 29 major stakeholders, including conflict parties, mediators, eminent South Sudanese personalities, scholars and civil society leaders. The responses were grouped into five major themes: historical conflicts, estranged political relationships, power struggles, resource control and ethnic violence (not included in this article). The results suggest that estranged political relationships, characterized by fear, anger, bitterness, distrust and the urge for revenge, are born out of historical conflicts that remain unresolved. The ensuing power struggles and ethnic violence are motivated by the estranged political relationships between the top leaders. Dealing with their estrangements, therefore, forms the base from which historical conflicts can be addressed towards lasting agreements and sustainable peace in South Sudan.

scholarly journals Health Believes and Willingness to Pay (WTP) for Social Health Insurance in Post Conflicts Fragile State South Sudan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lado Gwokorok
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
Willingness To Pay ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Social Health Insurance ◽  
Social Health ◽  
P Value ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Fragile State ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
South Sudanese

Abstract Background Funding of healthcare in Post conflict fragile state South Sudan is mainly done by international donors. Economic growth in such states, is likely to plunge between ($ 1.4 and $ 2.8) billion. Post conflict fragile states have higher rate of infectious and communicable diseases. Aim is to establish that post conflict fragile state South Sudanese are willing to pay for social health insurance. The study is to fill this literature gap.Households are susceptible and varies in health risks behaviour. Sudden illness sparks sense of illness affecting. Households cue to providing medical treatments. Successful treatments inspired households. Our desire to achieve in the community; enhances believes in treatment helping illness. MethodsA modified version of (Form (II), questionnaire was used in this research. The aim was to measure the health believes of Post Conflict Fragile State South Sudanese and willingness to pay for social health insurance. A Two-way analysis of variance was used. There were 205 females and 518 males among the sampled, family sizes. Household income, was 5,00 to above 3,600 South Sudanese pounds. Type of pecuniary were (land ownerships, cash deposits, crop stock, animal stock, machinery). Respondents were asked years’ worked on range of (3, 7, 11) years.Results A mean of approximately 3,777 South Sudanese pounds ($ 32 USD) was established. The female gender had mean of about 3,134 SSPs compared to 4,032 SSPs of the male counterpart. Family sizes, (11 to 15) and (16 to 20) heads had mean of 6,429 and 5,036 pounds. The model was able to explain 37.03% percent of the mean variations, (P-value = 0.0045). Discussion This finding is superior to the $ 11.12 annual premium from Northeast Ethiopia. This research has noted the shift in individual behaviour towards preventive health behaviours. The degree of fragility is a limitation.Conclusions Social health insurance can finance healthcare services in post conflict fragile state South Sudan. Health believed model is relevant to health insurance and it is important in demonstrating behavioral change.

Gender and Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration in Post Comprehensive Peace Agreement South Sudan

2020 ◽  
pp. 153-171
Author(s):  
Nada Mustafa Ali
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Conflict Setting ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.

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