regional agenda
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2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 671-682
Author(s):  
Tatiana I. Tyukaeva

The Eastern Mediterranean in recent years has become an arena of growing activity of regional states causing tensions among them. The importance of this region from political and military point of view combined with its strategic value in the world energy markets underpins the growing involvement of the UAE, a non-regional actor that lately has become deeply engaged in the regional agenda. Due to the fact that the UAE has taken up a quite active foreign policy course outside of its traditional Gulf circle only recently - with the Eastern Mediterranean becoming a new area of Emirati activities - the volume and scope of Russian and foreign research on this topic is rather limited. The existing works that in some way cover issues of the UAE foreign policy do not reflect the increasing influence of this small Gulf state in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond. For this reason, there is a need for complex research on the matter. This paper is based on analysis of existing works on topics related to some aspects of Emirati foreign policy and tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as analytical articles and statistics. The dramatically increased interest of the UAE in the Eastern Mediterranean is part of significant transformations in the monarchys foreign policy that have been taking place since early 2010s. These transformations manifest themselves in new goals and purposes of Emirati foreign policy, its expanding scale and new instruments for its implementation. Not only is the UAE policy in the Eastern Mediterranean consistent with its general goal of containing Turkey and fighting the threat of Islamism, but it is also a part of realizing Emirati global ambitions of becoming a leader in energy and logistics and ensuring its international status as an influential actor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-540
Author(s):  
Cairo Gabriel Borges Junqueira

Abstract Mercosur has gone through distinct phases, leading to the articulation between a myriad of sectors, groups, and actors, among which subnational governments stand out. Local governments started this movement in 1995, with the foundation of the Mercosur Cities Network. In 2000, the Specialized Meeting of Municipalities and Intendencies (REMI) was created, replaced in the following years by the Mercosur Advisory Forum of Municipalities, States, Provinces, and Departments (FCCR), known for being the channel for subnational representation in the bloc. Drawing on bibliographic and document analysis, in addition to interviews and questionnaires, this article aims to analyze the internationalization and inclusion of subnational actors in Mercosur, mainly focusing on the changes observed over the years within these three institutions. The first section introduces the literature on paradiplomacy and deals specifically with Mercosur, seeking to verify how the regional agenda has been expanded, despite decision-making processes not being decentralized. The second and third sections analyse the origins of subnational integration through Mercocities alongside the development of REMI and FCCR. Considering the historical and institutional specificities of Mercosur, the research concludes by questioning the assumption of International Relations literature that regional blocs are potential arenas for effective internationalization of subnational governments.


Significance The first was Japan’s prime minister, Yoshihide Suga, in April. While this priority sends a clear signal to Beijing, in each case there was also a substantial bilateral and regional agenda. Impacts Beijing sees itself as targeted and may react tangibly. Since South Koreans mistrust China even more than Japan, Moon need not fear public opinion if relations with Beijing worsen. Pyongyang could respond with a missile launch. Closer trilateral cooperation with Tokyo, as Biden wants, will meet resistance at home and may have to await Moon’s departure from office.


Significance The deal -- designed to allow Delek to focus on the larger Leviathan field -- highlights the growing commercial interest in East Mediterranean hydrocarbons. It also underlines the intersection with political developments, including Emirati normalisation with Israel and the regional anti-Turkish alliance. Impacts Abu Dhabi will increase political engagement and again try to gain observer status at the EMGF. On top of hydrocarbons links, electricity cooperation is likely to rise up the regional agenda. The United States, EU and NATO could increase their focus on calming regional tensions through inter-state dialogue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-320
Author(s):  
Ahmed Mandil ◽  
◽  
Syed Abbas Motevalian ◽  
Arshad Altaf ◽  
Randa Obeidat ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Владимир Викторович Макеев

Введение. Актуальность исследования обусловлена потребностью в изучении особенностей организации образовательного процесса в современном техническом вузе в рамках «третьей миссии» университетов, четвертой промышленной революции, задач цифровизации экономики России, подготовки инженерной элиты будущего. Представлены особенности организации образовательного процесса в современном техническом вузе. Рассмотрены внешние факторы глобального, общероссийского, регионального и локального (на уровне образовательных учреждений) характера. Цель – выявить ключевые особенности организации образовательного процесса в современном техническом университете. Задачи исследования: 1) выявить ведущие направления и тенденции развития современных университетов; 2) систематизировать современные представления об особенностях организации образовательного процесса в современном техническом вузе; 3) обосновать требования, предъявляемые к абитуриентам современных технических вузов. Материал и методы. Теоретические – абстрагирование, анализ, конкретизация, обобщение; эмпирические – изучение и обобщение педагогического опыта, изучение продуктов деятельности, контент-анализ. Результаты и обсуждение. Представлены наиболее существенные особенности организации образовательного процесса в современном техническом университете. Заключение. Обоснованы специфические особенности современного образовательного процесса в техническом нестоличном вузе, наиболее существенно влияющие на него, в условиях повышенных ожиданий по подготовке квалифицированных кадров для развития экономики России, а также дефицитов и вызовов как глобальной, так и отечественной, в том числе региональной, повестки. Теоретическая значимость работы связана с выявлением и описанием ведущих тенденций развития отечественных университетов в фокусе четвертой промышленной революции, цифровизации экономики России, изменения образовательной парадигмы и глобальной конкуренции в сфере экспорта образования и академического превосходства. Introduction. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the features of the organization of the educational process in a modern technical university within the framework of the «third mission» of universities, the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the tasks of digitalizing the Russian economy, training the engineering elite of the future, it is impossible without researching the features of the organization of the educational process in a modern technical university. The article presents the features of the organization of the educational process in a modern technical university. The external factors of a global, all-Russian, regional and local (at the level of educational institutions) character are considered. The aim of the work is to identifying the key features of the organization of the educational process in a modern technical university, which have a significant impact in modern conditions. Research objectives: 1) identify the leading directions and development trends of modern universities; 2) systematize modern ideas about the peculiarities of the organization of the educational process in a modern technical university; 3) substantiate the requirements for applicants to modern technical universities. Material and methods. Theoretical – abstraction, analysis, specification, generalization; empirical – study and generalization of pedagogical experience, study of the products of activity, content analysis. Conclusion. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the substantiation of the specific features of the modern educational process in a technical non-capital university, which most significantly affect it, in the context of increased expectations for the training of qualified personnel for the development of the Russian economy, as well as deficits and challenges, both global and domestic, including regional, agenda. The theoretical significance of the work is associated with identifying and describing the leading trends in the development of domestic universities in the focus of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, digitalization of the Russian economy, changes in the educational paradigm and global competition in the export of education and academic excellence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (53) ◽  
pp. 57-63
Author(s):  
 E.A. Slinko ◽  
◽  
 V.S. Brylev ◽  

Subject. This article examines the possibilities of transforming the relations between the center and the regions in Russia. Topic. Problems of regional policy in Russia in the context of foreign experience. Purposes. To analyze some aspects of regional policy in different countries of the world to understand the possibilities of regional transformation in the Russian Federation. Methodology. Institutional and neoinstitutional methods, system approach, comparative method. Results. Each system of government has a» corridor « of improvement, which is associated with certain difficulties on the way to implementation. Regional policy in Russia tends to be centralized, which may limit the opportunities for regional development. At the same time, there is a need to maintain a single vertical of power and avoid the risks associated with decentralization. Application area. The results of the study can be applied by specialists in the field of regional policy and political management, teachers and students of higher educational institutions. Conclusions. The coronavirus pandemic has led to the activation of regional activities and the actualization of the regional agenda, while the 2020 constitutional reform is focused on strengthening the center and consolidating the vertical. Russia needs to avoid both the risks of over-centralization and the risks of excessive decentralization, while taking into account the specifics of individual regions. Keywords: regional policy, overcentralization, decentralization, form of government, centre, periphery.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 007-014
Author(s):  
Assima Aubakir

Today, the Central Asian region is once again becoming a point of attraction for the interests of the international community—in geopolitical, as well as in trade and economic terms. The interests of major world powers intersect here, and each has its own approach to establishing relations with the regional countries. The European Union, which never considered this region a geopolitical priority, has been implementing its own Central Asia Strategy since 2007. In July 2017, the Council of the European Union decided to completely revise the Strategy based on new realities, as well as the ambitions and priorities of the regional states in their relations with the EU. A new strategy for relations between the European Union and Central Asia was adopted in June 2019. The revision of the strategy is slated to allow the EU to strengthen its cooperation with the Central Asian countries, highlight the most effective projects, and revise those aspects of interaction that did not bring the desired results. Currently, there is an intensification of intra-regional cooperation in Central Asia; there are positive trends in the development of dialog on important issues of the regional agenda. For this reason, the approaches and tools of European diplomacy in the implementation of its policy in Central Asia are expected to undergo significant adjustments as the Strategy is updated. The subject of this article is precisely this transit period in the relations between the European Union and Central Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Ikponmwonsa Omoruyi ◽  
Stephen Osaherumwen Idahosa ◽  
Mahamat Mugadam Mugadam ◽  
Oumar Sidibe

The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.


Author(s):  
John Sturzaker ◽  
Alexander Nurse

This chapter charts the demise of the regional agenda and the shift towards city-regional thinking which has underpinned much of the recent devolution agenda. Considering the similarities to the metropolitan architecture of the 70s and 80s, this discusses the emergence of Local Enterprise Partnerships through to Combined Authorities. This sets the scene for a broader discussion of the Devolution Deals being agreed at the city region level. In doing so, the chapter takes a broader look at how city regions function and, in particular, how districts can cooperate towards collective goals. This draws down recent examples from the emerging devolution deals, including how new metro-mayors are exercising their powers within their city regions, as well as lessons that can be learnt from the now nearly 20-year-old London Mayoral post.


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