Revenge Porn by Teens in the United States and India: A Socio-Legal Analysis

2013 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debarati Halder ◽  
K. Jaishankar

SummarySexting among teens has become a huge problem in the US as well as in India. This has given birth to numerous issues including issues related to child pornography, exploitation of images by perpetrators and revenge porn. While in the US laws are being created and tested for regulating sexting in relation to revenge porn, the situation is quite different in India. This paper emphasises that there is a lacuna in dealing with adolescent sexual behaviour including revenge taking attitude with the help of sexted images. This paper argues that instead of dealing the issue of revenge porn by teens in the traditional procedural ways as has been laid down in the legal provisions or by way of rusticating the children (including the perpetrators and the victim) from the school as has happened in India in several occasions, Therapeutic Jurisprudence approach should be taken up.

Author(s):  
Елена Цветкова ◽  
Elena Tsvetkova

The main trend of recent years is the complication of tax administration. In order to improve it states develop forms of work with taxpayers, including alternative tax dispute resolution. The author analyses alternative tax dispute resolution that have already developed in Russia and compares them with similar procedures in the United States, the Netherlands and Germany. To the alternative methods that are applied in Russia the author refers tax monitoring and agreement on the settlement of a tax dispute. Tax monitoring is not seen as a form of tax control, but as a mean of resolving and preventing the occurrence of a tax dispute. The conclusion of an agreement between a tax authority and a taxpayer on the settlement of a dispute in court is possible by reaching a compromise on the qualification of relations, on actual circumstances, on the interpretation of the tax rate. The article contains examples of programs that exist in the US and Germany in the sphere of tax dispute resolution. Also issues related to the implementation of the mediation procedure existing in the United States, the Netherlands and Germany and the possibility of their application in Russia are considered. The author emphasizes the impossibility of applying the procedure of mediation in tax disputes in Russia at the moment due to the lack of legislative regulation.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (S1) ◽  
pp. 36-63
Author(s):  
Robert Howse ◽  
Damien J. Neven

Some of the legal analysis in this study derives from joint work between Robert Howse and Susan Esserman on this ruling, “Trade disputes quire fairer arbitration,” FT.com, Sep 12, 2002This chapter discusses the decision by the arbitrator on suspension of concessions (“retaliation”) in the dispute between the US and the EU regarding the tax treatment of offshore corporate income under US legislation. By way of background, the first part of the chapter (section 2) describes the operation of the US scheme, including as revised after the first round of WTO rulings.


Author(s):  
Himanshu Maheshwari ◽  
H.S. Hyman ◽  
Manish Agrawal

Unlike traditional crimes, it is difficult to define legal jurisdiction and authority for prosecuting cyber crimes. This issue is further complicated by differences in definitions of cyber crime in different countries. This chapter motivates the issue with an example of the ILOVEYOU virus and compares the legal provisions to combat cyber-crime in the US and India. The authors find that there are significant differences between India and the US in definitions of cybercrimes. It appears that in the United States, it is a crime to access information that has been declared to be confidential. In India, criminality requires dissemination of the information obtained without authorization. Another notable difference between the prosecutions of cybercrimes in the two countries relates to obscenity and decency laws.


Author(s):  
A. A. Sobenin

The article analyzes the existing information systems of criminal justice in the United States both at the federal and state levels. The features of the functioning of the federal systems of criminal justice are noted. An assessment of the activities of state information systems is given, the features of the work of some of them are given. The criteria are highlighted that made it possible to carry out a comparative legal analysis of state information systems. Close attention is paid to the activities of electronic systems of bodies carrying out preliminary investigation in the United States. The author’s classification of complex information systems of the US criminal justice is proposed.


Author(s):  
Tín Minh Ngô ◽  
Thảo Thị Thu Trần

Based on the perspective of analyzing the provisions of the laws of the United States and the laws of the European Union, as well as the practice of protecting non-traditional trademarks in the United States and the European Union, in particular intellectual property rights to the Scent trademark, proposals are made for Vietnam in the process of completing legal provisions, processes, methods of assessment and establishing the rights of Scent trademark rights to meet the global trend and domestic law requirements under the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership's commitments. Accordingly, in the negotiation rounds of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (the precursor of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership), the parties participating in the negotiation often disagree on the scope of protection of intellectual property rights, and non-traditional trademarks, sound trademarks, scent trademarks in particular. This is also one of the important reasons for the failure of negotiations and the withdrawal from the US Agreement. Besides, in the future, intellectual property rights and trademark rights, non-traditional trademarks in particular, will continue to be important negotiating topics that determine the success of the new generation of the free trade agreement. Therefore, the early improvement of the legal system in the establishment and protection of the rights to this object contributes to helping Vietnam be more active in negotiation.


Cyber Crime ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 714-726
Author(s):  
Himanshu Maheshwari ◽  
H.S. Hyman ◽  
Manish Agrawal

Unlike traditional crimes, it is difficult to define legal jurisdiction and authority for prosecuting cyber crimes. This issue is further complicated by differences in definitions of cyber crime in different countries. This chapter motivates the issue with an example of the ILOVEYOU virus and compares the legal provisions to combat cyber-crime in the US and India. The authors find that there are significant differences between India and the US in definitions of cybercrimes. It appears that in the United States, it is a crime to access information that has been declared to be confidential. In India, criminality requires dissemination of the information obtained without authorization. Another notable difference between the prosecutions of cybercrimes in the two countries relates to obscenity and decency laws.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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