Chastleton Camp, Oxfordshire, a hill-fort of the Early Iron Age

1931 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 382-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Thurlow Leeds

Chastleton Camp, or Chastleton Barrow (pl. LIV, 1 and 2), as it is sometimes called, is situated at the south-east end of the parish, which projects like some huge spur from the north-west edge of the county and from the line of the road which on either side of the base of the spur for a short distance divides Oxfordshire from Gloucestershire on the one hand and from Warwickshire on the other. This road is an age-long trackway running diagonally across England by way of the Jurassic Belt from the Cotswolds to Northamptonshire, and is fringed by many remains of prehistoric man, in addition to the Rollright Stones and the dolmen known as the Whispering Knights. Along it must have moved the invaders of the early Iron Age to their conquest of the Midlands, establishing a line of strongholds of which Chastleton must in its original condition have been a formidable example.

1961 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 68-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. S. F. Hood ◽  
John Boardman

This group of tombs lies about 50 metres south-west of the main Knossos–Herakleion road, immediately opposite the new Sanatorium. Here in the autumn of 1953 Mr. David Smollett, then engaged in making the map for the Knossos Survey, noticed some large sherds which had been thrown into a rubbish pit on the edge of a small patch of ground newly ploughed for a vineyard (Plan, Fig. 1, a). The vineyard lay on the top of a slight knoll behind the café on the west side of the road. The knoll had until this time been occupied by a threshing floor, and was pointed out by the local inhabitants as the site of the ‘Tomb of Caiaphas’. But the great Roman concrete-built tomb traditionally known as the ‘Tomb of Caiaphas’, was really, it appears, on the main road some metres away to the north-west (Knossos Survey 23): it was destroyed about 1880 when the road was built.The sherds recovered by Mr. Smollett, some of them large and freshly broken from fine Geometric vases, made it seem likely that there was a disturbed tomb of that period in the area. Permission was therefore sought, and readily granted by Dr. N. Platon, Ephor of Antiquities for Crete, to explore the field before it was planted with vines. Trials led to the discovery of three small collapsed chamber tombs, all apparently Iron Age in date, cut in the soft kouskouras rock. The tombs clearly belong to the same complex as tombs L, Π, and TFT which have been published by Brock in Fortetsa (1957). They stood in a row with their entrances facing south towards Knossos. Two isolated burials (Plan, Fig. 1, b, c), extended on their backs with their heads to the west and feet to the east immediately below the surface of the field, may be Roman or later; there was a bent iron nail by the left hand of burial c. The knoll with the tombs lies near the western edge of the big Roman cemetery which covered the region now occupied by the new Sanatorium (Knossos Survey 35).


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Claire Warden

The multi-spatial landscape of the North-West of England (Manchester–Salford and the surrounding area) provides the setting for Walter Greenwood's 1934 play Love on the Dole. Both the urban industrialized cityscape and the rural countryside that surrounds it are vital framing devices for the narrative – these spaces not simply acting as backdrops but taking on character roles. In this article Claire Warden reads the play's presentation of the North through the concept of landscape theatre, on the one hand, and Raymond Williams's city–country dialogism on the other, claiming that Love on the Dole is imbued with the revolutionary possibility that defines the very landscape in which it is set. From claustrophobic working-class kitchen to the open fields of Derbyshire, Love on the Dole has a sense of spatial ambition in which Greenwood regards all landscapes as tainted by the industrial world while maintaining their capacity to function independently. Ugliness and beauty, capitalist hegemony and socialistic hopefulness reside simultaneously in this important under-researched example of twentieth-century British theatre, thereby reflecting the ambivalent, shifting landscape of the North and producing a play that cannot be easily defined artistically or politically. Claire Warden is a Lecturer in Drama at the University of Lincoln. Her work focuses on peripheral British performances in the early to mid-twentieth century. She is the author of British Avant-Garde Theatre (Palgrave MacMillan, 2012) and is currently writing Modernist and Avant-Garde Performance: an Introduction for Edinburgh University Press, to be published in 2014.


Balcanica ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikola Tasic

The paper offers a historical survey of the development of Early Iron Age cultures in Danubian Serbia, its characteristics, relations with contemporary cultures of the Pannonian Plain, the Balkans, Carpathian Romania (Transylvania) and the Romanian Banat. It describes the genesis of individual cultures, their styles, typological features and interrelationships. Danubian Serbia is seen as a contact zone reflecting influences of the Central European Urnenfelder culture on the one hand, and those of the Gornea-Kalakaca and the Bosut-Basarabi complex on the other. The latter?s penetration into the central Balkans south of the Sava and Danube rivers has been registered in the Morava valley, eastern Serbia north-western Bulgaria and as far south as northern Macedonia. The terminal Early Iron Age is marked by the occurrence of Scythian finds in the southern Banat, Backa or around the confluence of the Sava and the Danube (e.g. Ritopek), and by representative finds of the Srem group in Srem and around the confluence of the Tisa and Danube rivers. The powerful penetration of Celtic tribes from Central Europe into the southern Pannonian Plain marked the end of the Early Iron Age.


Antiquity ◽  
1928 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 189-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Einar Gjerstad

The Swedish archaeological expedition in Cyprus worked last year at Lapithos on the north and at Karavostassi, the ancient Soli, on the north-west.At Lapithos 23 tombs from the early and middle Copper Age and zo tombs from the early Iron Age were opened and examined. The former cover a period from the end of early Cypriote I to the beginning of middle Cypriote 11. The main part of the finds consists of a very representative series of pottery : red polished I-IV ware, black polished ware, black slip 1-11 ware, white painted I-IV ware. The later tombs have yielded a rich collection of tools and weapons, bracelets and rings of copper, finger-rings of silver and gold, 8 necklaces of paste beads, idols of terra cotta and one marble idol, etc. The gold rings (early Cypriote III) represent the first gold found in Cvprus of the early Copper Age. One necklace (early Cypriote III), coniists of 156 globular beads of various sizes arranged in 8 rhythmic series, with one large bead in the middle of each series. Another necklace (middle Cypriote I) consists of 64 large globular beads and more than 500 small cylindrical beads inserted between the large ones. A third is of round, fluted and double-conical beads in symmetrical arrangement. The idols are of the plank-shaped type. One represents a mother holding a baby in her arms, another a mother and a baby in a bed, and a third a man and a woman in a bed.


1925 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. T. Burchell

During the year 1924 I made some observations on the North Kent coast between Swalecliffe and Reculver for the purpose of locating the cultural horizon of the Thames pick, an implement which has been found in plenty upon the beach and sea floor in that locality, but which has not yet been indisputably classified by archæologists.The finds made up to November, 1924, were shown by me to the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia, but the paper must be considered unsatisfactory since the pivot on which any conclusions from those finds had to turn was the date of the prehistoric pottery. On this question I found there were differences of opinion. On the one hand I was advised that the pottery was of the Early Iron Age, on the other that it was Neolithic. Having made a careful study of all the comparative evidence I could trace, I found myself unable to disregard either opinion. The apparent association of flint implements with the pottery, led me to adopt a Neolithic date, as at the time I had no evidence that Iron Age Man fashioned flint implements.


1902 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 126-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Ashby

It is a tendency of all great cities to possess two distinct and often independent sets of communications, the one for local, the other for long-distance traffic; and, unless a city has suddenly sprung into being, it will be found that, in order of development, the former precedes and is the germ of the latter. In the case of Rome, we are able to trace with remarkable clearness the successive stages of the development of the road system. The roads which, when this system had attained its perfection, we find radiating in all directions from the city, may be divided into two groups. The first of these, the local roads, take their name from the cities to which they lead; the second, the longdistance roads, from those who were chiefly responsible for their construction. All, however, must have originated as short-distance roads, leading to some town or other, and if we possessed sufficient information as to the spread of the Roman supremacy in Italy, we should be able to trace step by step the development of the long-distance roads from the local ones in every case. For the growth of the road system is intimately connected with the growth of the power of Rome. As soon as we are able to fix approximately the earliest bounds of her territory, we find her enclosed within very narrow limits. Except along the banks of the Tiber, her dominion extended hardly five miles from the city gates.


1927 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. H. Rastall

The foregoing sketch brings out marked resemblances in the geological features of eastern and southern England on the one hand, and the neighbouring parts of the continent on the other. In both areas we find an old plateau of pre-Devonian rocks, against which Devonian and Carboniferous rocks are violently thrust from the south by Armorican and Variscan folds, giving rise to highly complex coal-basins in Belgium, France and Somerset, a type of structure possibly to be encountered in the future in Kent. In Belgium this plateau sinks to the north-east under the Campine coalfield, while in England its north-west margin is complicated by the incidence of posthumous folds of Charnian strike.In eastern England, east of the Charnwood line, there is evidence for the existence of Professor Kendall's Willoughby axis, with north-west strike; between this and the Charnwood line there are indications of similar parallel buried trend-lines in the folding and faulting of the visible Yorks-Derby-Notts coalfield, and also, as suggested by Professor Fearnsides, in the general shape of this basin.Further to the north, however, the general line of the Cleveland and Market Weighton axes is not Charnian, being about west 5° north. The Market Weighton axis, which is of Charnian type, with many repeated movements, does not form the boundary of the coalfield; this is in fact constituted by the southern flank of the broad Cleveland uplift, which is of Wealden type; an anticline superposed on an earlier sinking area.


1878 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thos. W. Kingsmill

One of the most interesting migrations on record is that of the Yuehti from their old seats in the north-west of China to the site of the Greek kingdom of Bactria. Its interest is increased rather than diminished by the fact that we can trace its origin by the aid of authentic records, as well as from the knowledge that it was but one in a series, the original exciting cause of which still remains veiled in an obscurity apparently only to be pierced, on the one hand, by the geologist who shall work out the changes in the physical geology of Asia, within the human period, or, on the other, by the comparative mythologist, who, placing side by side the myths and traditions of its ancient inhabitants, sees, though dimly, some sort of order rising out of what, at first sight, is a veritable chaos.


Ikonotheka ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 211-240
Author(s):  
Michał Wardzyński

Current research on Rococo sculpture in Mazovia and northern Lesser Poland has not taken into consideration Lvov Rococo sculpture. A total of thirteen works by a yet unidentified woodcarving workshop, probably of Lvov provenance, was located at the intersection of these two artistic regions, in the vicinity of Końskie, Opoczno, Przysucha and Rawa Mazowiecka. Its activity, commenced after 1780 in Pełczyska near Wiślica, lasted until ca. 1800, when the reredoses and lesser works of sculpture in Studzianna-Poświętne, Skrzyńsko, Nowy Kazanów, Końskie, Gowarczów, Drzewica, Rawa and Regnów were created. In formal terms, the anonymous “Master of Pełczyska”, as an epigone of the Lvov school of Rococo sculpture, shows a far-reaching dependency on the style of sculptures similar to that in the side altar of the Virgin Mary of Dzików in Tarnogród, in the Zamoyski family fee tail. This reredos was indirectly attributed to master Franciszek Olędzki from Lvov (active since 1771, d. 1792). The oeuvre of the “Master of Pełczyska” constitutes the second-largest assembly of Lvov Rococo sculptures outside the historical Ruthenian lands of the Crown of Poland. At the current stage of research, the discussed works, located at the intersection of the former Sandomierz and Rawa voivodeships, indicate the maximal influential range of these remarkably mobile artists towards the north-west of the Crown of Poland. Their migrations were directly connected, on the one hand, with the artistic crisis that followed the First Partition of the Commonwealth in 1772 and the annexation of Lvov by Austria, and, on the other hand, with the liquidation of monasteries after 1780 and the termination of existing ecclesiastic commissions. The short-lived activity of this workshop in the vicinity of Rawa is an important contribution to the research on the mosaic of external influences on provincial late Rococo sculpture in the fourth quarter of the 18th century in Mazovia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-35
Author(s):  
Soohong Lee

Social stratification in the Bronze Age and the appearance and transition of chief tombs in the early Iron Age are reviewed based on the ancient tomb data in Yeongnam Province. Chief, which means a ruler of unequal societies, first appeared in the early Iron Age. Evidence to support the appearance is given as follows: the articles from , production and distribution of ironware, construction of tombs for not a community but an individual, and the beginning of trade between local regions. In the late Bronze Age, tomb clusters turned into a common cemetery, and huge dolmens with graveyards were built. With social stratification being intensified, communities would have been maintained by blood ties and regionalism. The construction of huge tombs was for a community, not for a single person. That is, it was the tomb of the leaders, not of a chief. The types of the leader tombs vary depending on the regions: huge dolmens with graveyards in South Gyeongsang Province, and tombs with long-sharpened daggers in Daegu. In the early Iron Age, chief tombs are categorized into a group of dolmens from the patternless earthenware culture and a group of wooden coffin tombs from the Koreanstyle bronze dagger culture. The former group of chief tombs can be seen in huge dolmen areas such as Gimhae Gusan-dong and Changwon Deokcheon-ri archeological sites, and it is more of an individual’s tomb rather than a community’s. The chiefdom of dolmens and the one of wooden coffin tombs coexisted only until the chiefdom of wooden coffin tombs took over the other. In Yeongnam Province, the wooden coffin tombs first appeared in the third century B.C., and the ironware began to be buried in the second century B.C. By the first century B.C., the wooden coffin tombs clustered and the Chinese Han relics began to be buried. This is when the chiefdom was formed and the Bronze Age came to an end. In South Gyeongsang Province, chief tombs are centered in Gimhae. In Daegu-North Gyeongsang Province, chief tombs are distributed by equal intervals on the road connecting Ulsan, Gyeongju, Yeongcheon, Gyeongsan, and Daegu; it is due to the consolidation of foreign negotiation command of a chief.


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