Analogy, simplification, and the history of French

Author(s):  
Douglas C. Walker

In traditional studies of historical phonology, there is frequently a division between sound change and analogy. Sound change is said to proceed gradually and inexorably under strictly phonetic conditions; “La règle générale est que les transformations phonétiques s’opèrent avec une constance absolue c’est-à-dire que les mêmes phonèmes placés dans les mêmes conditions, se développent d’une manière identique.” (Schwan-Behrens 1963: 12). Occasionally, when the conditions are not apparent, there may be some concern until further research uncovers the conditioning factors. Such was the case with Verner’s law, for example. Yet in any interesting situation, there remains a body of forms for which the proper phonetic environment cannot be found. The items just do not follow the normal phonetic “laws.” In these cases, analogy is often called on to explain the discrepancy, and also to account for the reintroduction of regularity into a system “ravaged” by the forces of phonological change; “L’analogie joue un rôle considérable en roman (et en français) qui s’est reconstitué, comme on l’a dit, sur les ruines du latin où les ravages d’une évolution phonétique brutale avaient entièrement boulversé le système des oppositions morphologiques et de leurs valeurs” (Guiraud 1965: 63).

1970 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-178
Author(s):  
R. L. Turner

Throughout the history of Indo-Aryan the tendency towards a particular sound-change might continue to be active over a long period of time, being manifested first in words of frequent use or lesser import or where other surrounding phonetic conditions favoured the change and subsequently appearing in particular areas throughout the general vocabulary.


Author(s):  
Terfa Aor ◽  
Torkuma Tyonande Damkor

All levels of language analysis are prone to changes in their phonology, morphology, graphology, lexis, semantics and syntax over the years. Tiv language is not an exception to this claim. This study investigates various aspects of phonological or sound changes in Tiv language. This paper therefore classifies sound changes in Tiv; states causes of sound changes in Tiv and explores implications of sound changes. The research design used in this paper is purposive sampling of relevant data. The instrument used in this paper is the observation method in which the author selected words that showed epenthesis, deletion and substitution. It has been noted that the use of archaic spellings in the Modern Tiv literatures shows their ancientness. Phonological change is not a deviation but a sign of language growth and changes in spellings result in changes in sounds. The author recommends that scholars should write papers or critical works on lexical/morphological, syntactic, semantic, graphological changes in Tiv language. Students should write projects, dissertations and theses on language change and diachronic linguistics. This study introduces Tiv historical linguistics and diachronic phonology which serve as catalysts for the study of Tiv language. The understanding of Tiv sound change provides students with a much better understanding of Tiv phonological system in general, of how Tiv phonology works and how the phonemes fit together


Diachronica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheri Pargman

SUMMARY Hypercorrection, as it has traditionally been defined in historical linguistics, is often described as a sporadic and irregular performance error that does not affect the structure of a language in any sort of systematic or lasting way. In this article, evidence is presented from the South Dravidian family of languages to show that such an assumption cannot be supported in all cases. Early in the history of this family, a phonological change involving umlaut operated to lower high vowels in root syllables before a low-vowel suffix. However, in one of the languages of this family, Literary Tamil, a subsequent change occurred whereby the effects of umlaut were reversed, and the resultant new pattern was hypercorrectively extended to new environments that did not originally contain the appropriate conditioning for the change. So widespread was the overextension of the pattern that its outcome was virtually identical to the outcome of a regular, phonetically-conditioned sound law. This suggests not only a reformulation of the importance of hypercorrection in bringing about significant linguistic change, but also a reconsideration of the role accorded to phonetic factors as the only means through which exceptionless phonological change can be effected. RÉSUMÉ L'hypercorrection, selon la définition traditionnelle qu'en donne la linguistique historique, est une erreur sporadique et irrégulière qui ne concerne que la parole et qui n'a pas de conséquences systématiques ou permanentes pour ce qui est la structure de la langue. Cet article présente pourtant des données linguistiques de la famille sud-dravidienne qui montrent qu'en fait cette supposition ne tient pas toujours. Tout au début dans l'histoire de cette famille, un changement métaphonique a eu lieu dont le résultat a été l'abaissement d'une voyelle haute dans une syllabe de racine devant un suffixe comprenant une voyelle basse. Toutefois, dans une des langues de cette famille, le tamoul littéraire, un changement s'est produit plus tard, renversant les effets de la métaphonie, et par lequel la nouvelle distribution phonologique qui résultait du renversement s'étendait par hypercorrection aux mots qui n'avaient pas ä l'origine les conditions nécessaires pour subir le changement métapho-nique. L'hyperextension de cette nouvelle distribution phonologique a été si générale dans la langue que ses effets sont pratiquement identiques ä ceux d'un changement phonique régulier et attendu. Ces données mènent ä revoir l'importance de l'hypercorrection dans l'introduction de changements linguistiques importants, et ä repenser le rôle des facteurs phonétiques comme seul moyen d'arriver aux changements phonologiques sans exceptions. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Hyperkorrektion, ihrer traditionellen Stellung innerhalb der histori-schen Sprachwissenschaft zufolge, wird oft als ein sporadischer, unregelmäs-siger Performanzfehler beschrieben, der keine systematische, dauernde Wir-kung auf die Struktur einer Sprache ausube. In diesem Beitrag werden Fakten aus der süddravidischen Sprachfamilie vorgelegt, die die Unannehmbarkeit einer allgemeinen Gültigkeit dieser Auffassung beweisen. In der frühen Ge-schichte dieser Familie fand nämlich ein Lautwandel statt, der den hohen Vokal einer Wurzelsilbe niedrig werden liess, wenn diese einem Suffix, der einen niedrigen Vokal enthielt, voranging. In einem Mitglied dieser Sprachfamilie — der tamilischen Schriftsprache — hat aber eine spätere Entwick-lung die Ergebnisse des Umlautwandels beseitigt, und danach ist ein daraus resultierendes Muster entstanden, das durch Hyperkorrektion nun in neuen Umgebungen verbreitet worden ist, die die urspriinglich zutreffende Bedin-gung nicht besassen. So verallgemeinert wurde dièse iibertriebene Ausdeh-nung des Musters, daß ihr Ergebnis wie das Ergebnis eines regelmässigen, phonetisch bedingten Lautwandels — zumindest der äußeren Erscheinung nach — aussah. Daraus lässt sich schliessen, dass die Bedeutung der Hyperkorrektion bei der Sprachentwicklung, sowie die Rolle der phonetischen Fak-toren, die man im allgemeinen fur das einzige Mittel hait, durch das ein aus-nahmsloser Lautwandel statt findet — eine neue Einschätzung verdienen.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-311
Author(s):  
Giorgio (Georg) Orlandi

Abstract The book under review serves as a significant contribution to the field of Trans-Himalayan linguistics. Designed as a vade mecum for readers with little linguistic background in these three languages, Nathan W. Hill’s work attempts, on the one hand, a systematic exploration of the shared history of Burmese, Tibetan and Chinese, and, on the other, a general introduction to the reader interested in obtaining an overall understanding of the state of the art of the historical phonology of these three languages. Whilst it is acknowledged that the book in question has the potential to be a solid contribution to the field, it is also felt that few minor issues can be also addressed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
LYNN CLARK ◽  
GRAEME TROUSDALE

Recent research on frequency effects in phonology suggests that word frequency is often a significant motivating factor in the spread of sound change through the lexicon. However, there is conflicting evidence regarding the exact nature of the relationship between phonological change and word frequency. This article investigates the role of lexical frequency in the spread of the well-known sound change TH-Fronting in an under-researched dialect area in east-central Scotland. Using data from a corpus of conversations compiled over a two-year period by the first author, we explore how the process of TH-Fronting is complicated in this community by the existence of certain local variants which are lexically restricted, and we question to what extent the frequency patterns that are apparent in these data are consistent with generalisations made in the wider literature on the relationship between lexical frequency and phonological change.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-177
Author(s):  
Ollie Sayeed

The sound change known as Osthoff’s Law, shortening a long vowel before a resonant-consonant cluster, was first explicitly described to have applied in the prehistory of Greek by Osthoff (1884). Since then, the existence of a similar sound change in Latin has been controversial in the literature, with claimed examples such as *vēntus > ventus ‘wind’. At one end, Simkin (2004) argues that Osthoff’s Law never took place in Latin; at the other, Weiss (2009) claims at least three independent rounds of Osthoff’s Law in the history of the Italic branch. I summarize the synchronic facts about pre-cluster vowel length in classical Latin using a comprehensive survey of the Latin lexicon, with a historical explanation for the vowel length in every form containing a cluster. I argue that Osthoff’s Law happened in Latin (contra Simkin), but only once (contra Weiss), around the 2nd century BCE.


2016 ◽  
Vol 121 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-270
Author(s):  
Oliver Plötz

Abstract Due to the comparatively small number of reliable etymologies, many details of the historical phonology of Classical Armenian remain obscure or at least questionable. Different interpretations of the history of the phonemic system have also led to divergent reconstructions of the morphological system of Armenian. Based on the belief that a reconstruction that uses fewer intermediate steps from a proto-language to an attested language has to be considered more likely, this paper discusses arguments in favor of a development PIE *V-th2-V > Arm. V -r-V, which allows us to bring certain parts of Armenian morphology more easily into harmony with current models of Proto-Indo-European. The phonetics of this change will be treated within the larger framework of developments of the PIE laryngeals and the weakening of intervocalic stops, especially the often questioned change PIE *V -dʰ-V > Arm. V -r-V.


2013 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes Korn

AbstractThe treatment of Proto-Iranian*θw(PIE *t) is one of the isoglosses distinguishing Middle Persian from Parthian and thus important for Western Iranian dialectology. The re-discussion of the Parthian development of this consonant cluster by Nicholas Sims-Williams presents a welcome opportunity for some notes on the matter. I will argue that there is some additional evidence in favour of his suggestion that the Parthian result is not-f-as previously assumed, but a consonant cluster. I will also suggest a modification of the steps that the development takes. The Middle Persian development of*θwas well as some related issues of historical phonology and Pth. orthography and Western Ir. are likewise discussed.


Diachronica ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Richard Page

SUMMARY This investigation of Germanic Verscharfung distinguishes between two types of phonological change. Sound change affects only the phonetic features of a segment whereas prosodic change consists of a change in the rhythmic structure of a language. The fixing of initial stress in Germanic is a prosodic change which conditions the gemination of intervocalic glides following short, previously unstressed vowels. However, the gemination of glides is irregular since prosodic change is phonetically abrupt but lexically gradual and may therefore lead to irregular changes on the segmental level. In contrast, the second stage of Germanic Verschärfung, the fortition of geminate glides to geminate obstruents in East and North Germanic, is an exceptionless sound change in which [-consonantal] becomes [+consonantal]. RÉSUMÉ Cette enquête de la Verschärfung germanique distingue entre deux types de changement phonologique. Tandis que le changement phonétique n'affecte que les caractéristiques phonétiques d'un segment, le changement prosodique transforme la structure rythmique d'une langue. L'introduction de l'accent initial dans la langue germanique est un changement prosodique qui entraîne la gémination des sons transitoires intervocaliques après une voyelle courte préalablement non-accentuée. Cependant, la gémination des sons transitoires est irrégulière, étant donné que le changement prosodique est phonétiquement abrupte, mais lexicalement graduel. Pour cette raison, le changement prosodique peut entraîner un changement irrégulier au niveau du segment. Par contre, la deuxième phase de la Verschärfung germanique, la transformation des sons transitoires géminés en occlusives géminées dans la langue germanique orientale et septentrionale, constitue un changement phonétique sans exception dans lequel [-consonne] devient [+consonne]. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In dieser Untersuchung der germanischen Verschärfung werden zwei Arten von phonologischem Wandel unterschieden. Lautwandel betrifft nur die phonetischen Merkmale eines Segments, wahrend prosodischer Wandel die rhythmische Struktur einer Sprache verandert. Die Einführung des Initialakzents im Germanischen ist ein prosodischer Wandel, der die Verdop-pelung zwischenvokalischer Gleitlaute herbeiführt, wenn der vorangehende Vokal kurz und vorher unbetont war. Die Verdoppelung von Gleitlauten ist jedoch unregelmäßig, denn prosodischer Wandel ist phonetisch abrupt aber lexikalisch graduell. Deswegen kann prosodischer Wandel zu unregel-mäBigem Wandel auf der segmentalen Ebene führen. Andererseits ist die zweite Phase der Verschärfung, die Verstärkung von verdoppelten Gleitlauten zu verdoppelten Obstruenten im Ost- und Nordgermanischen, ein ausnahms-loser Lautwandel, in dem [-konsonantisch] zu [+konsonantisch] wird.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iván Igartua

The particular affinity linking glottality and nasality to each other, a connection which is grounded both on articulatory and acoustic bases, seems to be responsible for various phonetic phenomena in different languages. In sound changes associated to what has been termed rhinoglottophilia (Matisoff 1975), the two logically possible diachronic pathways show up: from glottality to secondary nasalization, on the one hand, and from nasality to secondary laryngealization, on the other. The innovations concerned can thus be considered symmetrical, a feature that is rarely found in sound change. This paper first reviews the evidence at our disposal for positing a class of replacive phonetic changes caused by rhinoglottophilia, and then argues for an explanation of the diachronic correspondence n > h in the history of the Basque language based on the (primarily acoustic) effects of this specific connection between glottality (more specifically, aspiration) and nasality.


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