Cultures autochtones et libéralisme au Canada: les vertus médiatrices du communautarisme libéral de Charles Taylor

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitrios Karmis

AbstractThe Constitution Act, 1982 recognized certain rights for aboriginal peoples. These rights were to be identified and defined subsequently. Ten years later, after several rounds of negotiations, the question of the recognition and definition of an aboriginal right to self-government remains unresolved. Many specialists claim that the problems faced during these negotiations result from the incompatibility between the main philosophical traditions guiding the actors. Through an analysis of the relationship between the cosmology underlying the aboriginal demands on the one hand and three of the main trends in contemporary Canadian liberal political philosophy on the other hand, this article tries to shed some light on the philosophical incompatibility thesis. While a strictly individualist liberalism rejects outright the notion of collective rights and Will Kymlicka's revisionist liberal individualism limits considerably the scope of an aboriginal right to self-government, communitarian liberalism, like that of Charles Taylor, seems to provide a favourable framework for the integration of cultural co-existence with the First Nations, without repudiating its attachment to fundamental individual rights and freedoms.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 126-141
Author(s):  
S.S. Kulakov

The increasing number of dysfunctional families causes an increase in the number of civil litigation on the education of the child, where the relationship between the persons are highly conflictual. The actual task is study the one of components in the structure of the psychological relationship - emotional and semantic constructs underlying semantic perception of each other and the child's parents. Examination of 42 testees (parents) from harmonious families and 54 testees (parents) during the forensic psychological and psychiatric examination (regarding the definition of child`s residence or the order of meetings for the child and the parent who don`t live with it) by methods "Geometric test of relations" and "Semantic Differential" showed that in families where is highly conflictual relationship, there is positive assessments of herself and her child, while assessment of the spouse (wife) characterized inversion. This negative attitude toward the spouse (wife) is not the other parent's negative characteristics. It is the ignoring the other parent's positive characteristics. The positive acceptance of all family members was revealed in harmonious families.


Author(s):  
Mercedes Gómez-López ◽  
Carmen Viejo ◽  
Rosario Ortega-Ruiz

Adolescence and emerging adulthood are both stages in which romantic relationships play a key role in development and can be a source of both well-being and negative outcomes. However, the limited number of studies prior to adulthood, along with the multiplicity of variables involved in the romantic context and the considerable ambiguity surrounding the construct of well-being, make it difficult to reach conclusions about the relationship between the two phenomena. This systematic review synthesizes the results produced into this topic over the last three decades. A total of 112 studies were included, following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis Protocols (PRISMA-P) guidelines. On the one hand, these works revealed the terminological heterogeneity in research on well-being and the way the absence of symptoms of illness are commonly used to measure it, while on the other hand, they also showed that romantic relationships can be an important source of well-being for both adolescents and emerging adults. The findings underline the importance of providing a better definition of well-being, as well as to attribute greater value to the significance of romantic relationships. Devoting greater empirical, educational, and community efforts to romantic development in the stages leading up to adulthood are considered necessary actions in promoting the well-being of young people.


Author(s):  
Pau Conde Arroyo

Este artículo trata de problematizar la definición taxonómica de Testo yonqui desde una óptica literaria que atiende a su faceta narrativa para dilucidar los cauces por los que se manifiesta en tanto que ensayo queer. Dicha problematización es abordada desde dos lugares: por un lado, desde la propia obra, atendiendo a las autodefiniciones presentes en el texto, que son examinadas a partir del marco teórico de la autobiografía; y, por otro lado, desde la recepción crítica de Testo yonqui. En último lugar, a la luz de lo anterior, se exponen una serie de tensiones relativas a la relación entre narración, referente y representación en la propuesta experimental del principio autocobaya.   This article aims to question the taxonomical definition of Testo Junkie from a literary perspective that considers its narrative aspect in order to elucidate the ways in which it can be regarded as a queer essay. Such questioning is approached from two angles: on the one hand, from the work itself, examining the self-definitions found in the text, which are studied on the basis of the theoretical framework of autobiography; and, on the other hand, from Testo Junkie’s critic reception. Lastly, the principle of the auto-guinea pig is also explored, in reference to the series of tensions arising from the relationship between narration, referent and representation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Michele Nicoletti

In introducing the inspiration behind and aims of the new Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica (Italian Journal of Political Philosophy), launched by the Italian Society for Political Philosophy, this editorial explores the relationship between politics and philosophy. As does all philosophy, political philosophy arises from the desire to understand what is new and to question existing reality. Political philosophy is thus political in a twofold sense: on the one hand, it is an act of freedom vis-à-vis existing power or knowledge, and, on the other, it is an attempt to establish social relations based on discursive reasoning, and on open participatory mechanisms for decision-making. This dual political attitude is ever more vital in the face of challenges to contemporary societies, such as climate change, migratory movements, dramatic inequalities, and the apparatus of surveillance. Eschewing a philosophy of distraction and non-engagement, political philosophy (and this Journal) endorses the idea of another, “more civic”, philosophy, one which is committed to the opening of new spaces of personal and collective freedom. This Journal intends to nurture the dialogue between Italian and international philosophical-political communities, showing the richness of Italian discussion, and highlighting some of the most authoritative international scholars. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Paulina Mazurkiewicz

This article concerns the designation of civil unions expressed in French and Polish legal language, serving a dual purpose: epistemological and analytical. On the one hand, the relationship between conceptualization and the definition of real entities in the terminological perspective will be examined, as, indeed, terminological investigations, including jurilinguistics, allows for examining the relationship between real entities, concepts as mental constructions, and terms which designate them in languages for specific purposes. On the other hand, the designations of civil unions in the French and Polish law will be compared, demonstrating that sometimes they result from the same legal tradition and, in other cases, reflect cultural changes that inform the coinage of new terminological units.


Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Emiliana De Blasio ◽  
Donatella Selva

Concepts such as emotional govern­ance, affective citizenship and trans­formational leadership point at the way governments are addressing the COVID-19 crisis from an emotional perspective. The study takes the Ital­ian and Spanish leaders as case stud­ies, analysing TV speeches, press con­ferences and parliamentary addresses, on the one hand, and Facebook posts, on the other hand. The results show that the two cases adopt different emotional repertoires, depending on the historical and cultural leanings but also on the style of leadership they embrace. This style reverberates in the relationship they seek to build with citizens to stimulate compliance with their decisions and in the use of Facebook to promote positive mes­sages and counter the spreading of misinformation. The article also shows how affective governance and style of leadership contribute to the normative definition of good and deviant citizens in critical historical junctures. In par­ticular, the diffusion of fake news (and not just their manufacturing) is de­picted as anti-patriotic and non-civic. We argue that the crisis has catalysed processes and trends that were al­ready at play, while at the same time defining a new trait of leadership in the ability to promote cross-genera­tional solidarity and sense of belong­ing beyond national boundaries. Keywords: citizenship, communica­tion, emotions, governance, leader­ship, solidarity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Michele Nicoletti

In introducing the project of the Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica (Italian Journal of Political Philosophy), launched by the Italian Society for Political Philosophy, this editorial explores the relationship between politics and philosophy. As with philosophy itself, political philosophy arises from the desire to understand what is new and to question existing reality. Political philosophy is thus political in a twofold sense: on the one hand, it is an act of freedom vis-à-vis existing power or knowledge, and, on the other, it is an attempt to establish social relations based on discursive rationality, and on open participatory mechanisms for decision-making. This dual political attitude is even more essential in the face of challenges to contemporary societies, such as climate change, migratory movements, dramatic inequalities, and the apparatus of surveillance. Avoiding the risk of a “philosophy of distraction or non-engagement”, political philosophy (and this Journal) endorses the idea of another, “more civic”, philosophy, one which is committed to the opening of new spaces of personal and collective freedom. This Journal intends to nurture the dialogue between Italian and international philosophical-political communities, showing the richness of Italian discussion, and highlighting some of the most authoritative international scholars. 


Terminology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaarina Pitkänen-Heikkilä

This paper discusses terminology in the field of plant morphology, where nearly half of the terms are adjectives. What are adjectives as terms like? How are they differentiated from adjectives in the general language? How should adjectives be treated in terminological description and terminography? For example, the relationship between an adjective and the object it characterizes differs from the relationship between a noun and the object to which it refers. For a systematic definition, adjectives have often been changed to nouns in terminological dictionaries: property names derived from adjectives or modifiers of noun phrases. This article argues that such a method is not applicable in plant morphology because, on the one hand, that kind of nouns does not occur in the texts that describe plants and, on the other hand, because of the semantic changes it may cause. The article also proposes some new tools for the description and definition of adjectival terms.


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciano Eusebi

Volendo sintetizzare la questione cui il principio di autonomia offre risposta, si potrebbe dire che esso attiene al riconoscimento dell’altro. Detto in altri termini e parafrasando Hanna Arendt, la domanda soggiacente è se siamo dei chi o dei che cosa. Dichiarare l’autonomia di ciascun soggetto umano significa, in questo senso, tener per fermo che non si può mai trattare tale soggetto come una cosa. Da ciò deriva la possibilità di una definizione pratica di ciò che debba ritenersi male: si ha male quando un individuo umano non è considerato come un interlocutore, come un tu, bensì, per l’appunto, come una cosa, cioè (solo) come un corpo, vale a dire quando è ridotto a strumento o a oggetto (passivo) di una manipolazione. È proprio della natura umana il prendere decisioni secondo coscienza, operando scelte eticamente responsabili: per cui lo stabilire rapporti con un individuo umano non può che proporsi come un rivolgersi, innanzitutto, al suo essere soggetto morale, cioè alla sua capacità di discernimento, al suo essere morale. L’affermazione del principio di autonomia implica, dunque, una ben precisa opzione etica, se non addirittura l’intuizione fondamentale di tutta la storia dell’etica: quella che, riconoscendo nell’altro, un soggetto morale comporta la rinuncia ad agire strumentalmente nei suoi confronti, aprendo, in questo modo, alla relazionalità. Ora, se il principio di autonomia individua sostiene che il soggetto umano non è riducibile a una cosa, ciò vale anche per il rapporto di ciascuno con se stesso. Da ciò deriva che il principio di autonomia, sebbene frequentemente si sostenga il contrario, non permette di giustificare la scelta del singolo di annullare il suo esistere, cioè il suo essere soggetto morale. Il che, tuttavia, non implica affermare l’assenza di limiti nell’intervento terapeutico. ---------- Wishing to synthesize the matter to which the principle of autonomy offers answer, it could be said that it concerns to the recognition of the other. In other words and Hanna Arendt paraphrasing, the underlying question is if we are some who or some what. In this sense, declaring the autonomy of every human subject means that it is important to fix that it is not possible to treat such subject as a thing. It follows that the possibility of a practical definition of what it has to be considered evil: we have evil when a human individual is not considered like an interlocutor, as a you, but, as a thing, in other words (only) as a body, that is the same when he is reduced to a tool or to a (passive) object of a manipulation. Making decisions according to conscience, operating responsible ethical choices, it is proper of the human nature: it derives that establishing relationships with a human individual can’t be considered as an addressing to his being as a moral subject, or to his ability of discernment, or otherwise to his moral being. The affirmation of the principle of autonomy implicates, therefore, one precise ethical option, if not even the fundamental intuition of the whole history of the ethics: the one that, recognizing in the other, a moral subject involves the renouncement to make it an instrument and opens the way to the relationships. Therefore, if the principle of autonomy says that we can’t reduce subject to a thing, it’s the same for the relationship that everyone has with himself. Its follows that the principle of autonomy, although people often say the contrary, doesn’t justify the choice of the single one to cancel his existence, that is his being a moral subject. Yet, it doesn't implicate to affirm the absence of limits in the therapeutic intervention.


1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 606-617
Author(s):  
Mohammad Anisur Rahman

The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the relationship between the degree of aggregate labour-intensity and the aggregate volume of saving in an economy where a Cobb-6ouglas production function in its traditional form can be assumed to give a good approximation to reality. The relationship in ques¬tion has an obviously important bearing on economic development policy in the area of choice of labour intensity. To the extent that and in the range where an increase in labour intensity would adversely affect the volume of savings, a con¬flict arises between two important social objectives, i.e., higher rate of capital formation on the one hand and greater employment and distributive equity on the other. If relative resource endowments in the economy are such that such a "competitive" range of labour-intensity falls within the nation's attainable range of choice, development planners will have to arrive at a compromise between these two social goals.


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