An Inverted Paradigm: A Reply to Elisabeth Gidengil

1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Paul Kellogg

AbstractThrough a critique of the “internationalist” arguments outlined and defended by Paul Kellogg, Elisabeth Gidengil has mounted a defence of dependency theory as it has been applied to Canadian political economy. She argues that dependency theory, far from being discarded as Kellogg has suggested, must be part of any new synthesis that is developed in Canadian political economy. She argues that Bukharin's Marxism, defended by Kellogg, is too abstract to be of any real guide in this new synthesis. This reply first situates where a “Bukharinist” approach is in agreement with dependency theory. Both recognize the existence of a rigid hierarchy of nations that impedes development in the Third World. But in Canada, it is argued, this insight has been stood on its head, Canada being theorized as “dependent” and suffering dependency-induced “structural weaknesses.” A selection of empirical examples is introduced to indicate the weak factual ground on which this claim is based. If there are aspects of the dependency paradigm to be retained, in the Canadian case this requires inverting the way in which this paradigm has usually been applied and insisting on Canada's entrenched position, alongside the other G7 powers, at the top of the hierarchy of nations in the world system.

Author(s):  
Anton Agus Setyawan

Poverty becomes the main problem, which prevents Third World Countries to be equal as any other countries in the world. This issue could be analysing from the development strategies of the Third World countries. They implemented Western Development strategies, which finally failed to overcome the problem. The main cause of the poverty in the Third World countries is the asymmetry in the world political economy. This article discusses this phenomenon by using three different theories: Centre-Periphery theory, Neo-Marxism and Dependency theory and Classic Marxism theory. The conclusion is, the effects of the asymmetry in the world political economy could be minimize by enforcing the global egalitarianism.


Itinerario ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhang Zhilian ◽  
Luo Rongqu

The Third World today is the historic product of the overseas expansion of European and North American capitalism. Prior to the rise of modern capitalism, the world had been pluralistic. Different centres of civilisation had developed independently. Between them there had been cultural and commercial intercourse. Two historic missions were completed by European capitalism: firstly, the conquest of the world, and in its wake, colonial plunderings; secondly, the integration of the isolated and the peripheric regions into a unified world system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir REMLI ◽  
Djouama MOHAMED ◽  
Benselhoub AISSA ◽  
Rachid KHEBBAB ◽  
Nacereddine FELLOUH

The consumption of electric energy in open pit mines or quarries maybe can achieve the consumption of all inhabitants of a city which it is according to their size and production of ore. in the other hand, View that the demand crescent of energy electric in the world, the limits of energetic resources in the third world, the increase of prizes operation and the maintenance of classic energy, the environmental consequences of classic energy and the benefic for using the autonomy system for production of electricity incites for searching the other sources responds the demands, To do this, we propose in this work a system equipped by generator for the creation of electrical energy resulting from the traffic of trucks in open pit mines whom situated in mountainous reliefs as knows a new kind of gravitricity.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 695-695
Author(s):  
Howard P. Lehman

Since the end of the Cold War, development studies have fallen to the wayside as attention has shifted to the democratization process in Eastern Europe, the increased integration of the European Union, and the effects of economic globalization in the advanced industrialized countries. The developing world was seen as an afterthought or, in some cases, as arenas of misunderstandable ethnic or religious conflict, structural poverty, disease, and other hardships. However, in the context of September 11, more attention now is on the developing world, perhaps not so much on economic development, but more on containing various terrorist organizations. Yet development studies still exist, and this area of study maintains an historical connection to several decades worth of academic research. Scholars persistently ask such questions as why the South is poor and politically weak compared to countries in the North. Answers generally are located in the dependency literature of unequal economic relations leading to unequal power relations. Darryl C. Thomas, in The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity, asks this question but provides a somewhat different response. The economic and political inequality in the world is not necessarily due to economic ideology but to the color of skin (p. xi). The solidarity of the Third World that Thomas sees in the past is one based on race, and racial solidarity should be the means by which the poor and powerless of the Third World transform unequal power relations. Thomas refers to this relationship as global apartheid, defining it as a structure of the world system that combines political economy and racial antagonism (p. 26). He states that global apartheid refers to the continuation of white-minority dominance of political, social, legal, cultural, and economic decision-making apparatuses within the world system (p. 111) and that this form of racial capitalism has become a permanent feature in the world system.


1966 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip E. Mosely

THE “third world” of the developing and, for the most part, newly independent nations is, for Communists of all brands and allegiances, both a crucial arena of political competition against the “imperialists” and the center of their hopes for new victories. Yet there are important differences in the way Moscow and Peking view these opportunities. The Soviet leadership believes that the many poor and ambitious countries will, later if not sooner, decide that Communism offers them the best prospects for raising their status in the world. Chinese Communist propaganda, on the other hand, calls for an ever more militant struggle of “national liberation” to expel the “imperialists” from Asia, Africa, and Latin America and to unite the developing countries under Peking's leadership. Thus, in addition to being a principal focus of Communist hopes and efforts, the question of the “correct” policy toward the third world has unleashed deep-set rivalries and antagonisms between and within ruling and nonruling Communist parties alike.


1984 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Fox

A cornerstone of Wallerstein's (1974) theory of the capitalist world system is that economic development occurs in certain (core) regions of the world system at the expense of development in other (peripheral) regions. This thesis, accepted in one form or another by scholars following a dependency, neo-Marxist, or unequal exchange conception of economic development (as, for example, Amin 1976 or Laclau 1971; see discussion in Foster-Carter 1973 and Kahn 1980: 203ff) provides the foundation for their avowal of the ‘development of underdevelopment.’ The development of the core industrial capitalist nations required, so they argue, the distorted and repressed economic development of the third world.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 931-932
Author(s):  
Jayant V. Narlikar

There are several international organizations currently working towards raising the standard of science and technology in the third world countries (TWCs). It is being appreciated that instead of dealing with the issue on a country by country basis, it helps to view and solve the problem in a network mode. It is sometimes the case that one TWC may have resource persons, or facilities which can benefit by sharing with the other TWCs. Or, a group of workers from different TWCs can be brought together for a school or workshop in which experts drawn from different parts of the world participate as lecturers or guides.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (17) ◽  
pp. 13-24
Author(s):  
Rodziah Md Zain ◽  
Mohd Kamarulnizam Abdullah ◽  
Mohamad Faisol Keling

The National Defense Policy reflects the desire of every country to defend its strategic interests and to preserve national security. It is a manifestation of the goal of protecting the security and strategic interests of a country. In the Malaysian context, the three main thrusts are the thrusts of the Malaysian Defense Policy namely the national strategic importance, defense principles, and defense concepts. There were three major changes in the Malaysian Defense Policy that began with the era of Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957-1970), Tun Razak / Tun Hussein Onn (1970-1980) and Tun Mahathir era (1981-2003). The Tunku Abdul Rahman era 1957 until 1970 was pro-western (dependency). During the reign of Tun Razak from 1970 to 1976 and Tun Hussin Onn from 1976 to 1980, the defense policy changed to Neutrality (neutrality). In contrast to the Mahathir era administration, his defense base tends to form self-reliance. The change of Mahathir's defense policy can be seen in the Procurement of his weaponry that has affected Malaysia as a developing country that is so vocal and bold to speak. In the international ring, his voice is so echoed to voice the aspirations of the Third World and the commitment shown above the other leaders. Self-reliance under Tun Mahathir's administration made Malaysia's defense aspect more modern until Tun Mahathir became references and attention throughout the world, especially the Third World.


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