Nos journaux sont-ils compréhensibles?

1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaëtan Tremblay

AbstractJournalistic writing is usually conceived as simple, clear and accessible. It is a vulgarisation discourse. Using a sophisticated program for discourse analysis (DEREDEC), the author has computerized the Flesch and Gunning readability tests. Montreal French newspaper coverage of the White Paper on the referendum constitute the corpus of this study. In brief, the unexpected conclusion is that newspapers are not so readable. The author attempts to explain this situation, referring not only to the journalists' competence but also to their working conditions. Also, what social and political influence can the press have if papers are hardly readable?

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Ladendorf

Abstract The borders between the media genres journalism and information or PR are blurring, and this development is especially noticeable among freelance journalists. How does this affect freelance journalists, particularly their ethical reasoning? Thirteen interviews with freelancers living in a peripheral northern county in Sweden were analyzed, using a combination of discourse analysis and narrative theory methods and a virtue ethics theoretical framework. It was found that 11 out of 13 informants worked occasionally or regularly with information-type assignments. To sustain the informants’ professional roles and selfidentities of integrity and impartiality, having boundary settings between, first, information/ PR and journalist roles and, second, information and journalist type assignments was crucial. It was evident that individual ethics had replaced professional principles. The freelancers reflexively process media industry constraints, together with their everyday working conditions, in a situation where the ideals and norms of the profession constitute the background for their individual action ethics.


Revista Trace ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luis Roberto Canto Valdés ◽  
Maritel Yanes Pérez ◽  
Dora Elia Ramos Muñoz

Se documenta la nota roja publicada sobre un crimen acontecido en una hacienda henequenera de Tekax, Yucatán, en 1890. Se analiza el manejo que la prensa dio a un homicidio, mientras se explica cómo se construyó el control social en el Yucatán rural, y se exploran las razones por las que el periodismo yucateco se interesó en el suceso. El interés del trabajo es explicar cómo la prensa decimonónica meridana presentó evidencias sobre el homicidio de un jornalero y mostró evidencias de cómo se integró en su nota roja una crítica a las condiciones laborales y al andamiaje legal y de investigación que cimentaban el maltrato de los jornaleros mayas por el personal del hacendado.Abstract: The «red note» published on a crime occurred in a henequen farm of Tekax Yucatan in 1890 is documented. The handling of the press gave homicide is analyzed, while explaining how social control was built in rural Yucatan, and the reasons why Yucatecan journalism was interested in the event. This work explain how the nineteenthcentury press of Merida presented evidence about the murder of a day laborer and showed evidence of how a criticism of working conditions and legal and investigative scaffolding that cemented the mistreatment of day laborers was integrated in their red note Maya by the landowner’s staff.Keywords: social control; social change; journalism; social critic; homicide.Résumé : Il s’agit d’une note rouge publiée à propos d’un crime survenu dans une exploitation d’henequen à Tekax, Yucatan en 1890. Est ainsi analysée la manière dont la presse a rendu compte d’un assassinat, tout en expliquant comment fonctionnait le contrôle social dans le Yucatan rural, et pourquoi le journalisme du Yucatan s’est intéressé à cet évènement. L’intérêt de cet article se trouve dans la manière de rendre compte d’un double processus : la presse de Mérida a présenté les preuves de l’assassinat d’un travailleur journalier, tout en intégrant dans la note rouge une critique des conditions de travail et une analyse de l’échafaudage juridique qui a contribué aux mauvais traitements subis par les journaliers mayas de la part du personnel du grand propriétaire.Mots-clés : contrôle social ; changement social ; journalisme ; critique sociale ; assassinat.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pnina Lahav

Israel's press plays a distinctive role in the country's political structure. Comprised of 27 dailies and 135 magazines, some with distinctive partisan affiliation and others committed to political neutrality, it has wide circulation and enjoys considerable political influence.Israeli newspapers were not always as independent as they are today. During the struggle for liberation, the press placed itself at the disposal of theYishuv(Jewish community) leadership, to be used as a political tool for promoting the objectives of the Jewish population in Palestine. Only in the fifties, after the establishment of the sovereign state of Israel, did the press begin to develop consciousness of its distinct and autonomous role in the political process.Several institutions founded by the press itself have moulded it into a politically viable establishment: the Editors' Committee, the Press Council, the National Union of Journalists and the Union of the Daily Papers. The Editors' Committee is the most powerful and long standing of the four. Organised in 1948 by the chief editors of the Hebrew dailies, it functions as an intermediary between the Government and the public in matters concerning important policy decisions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-194
Author(s):  
Christos Sagredos

Abstract The representation of sex work in the media has received little to no attention in the field of linguistics and discourse analysis. Given that news discourse can have a huge impact on public opinions, ideologies and norms, and the setting of political agendas and policies (van Dijk 1989), the study adopts a Corpus-Assisted Critical Discourse Analysis (CACDA) approach (Baker, Gabrielatos, KhosraviNik, Krzyżanowski, McEnery & Wodak 2008), seeking to explore whether journalists reproduce or challenge negative stereotypes vis-à-vis sex work. Examining 82 articles published in three Greek newspapers (Kathimerini, TA NEA, Efimerida ton Syntakton) in 2017, this paper considers the lexico-grammatical choices that are typically involved in the representation of sex work and sex workers in the Press. Drawing on Systemic Functional Linguistics, the Discourse Historical Approach and corpus linguistics, the analysis links the textual findings (micro-level context) with the discourse practice context (meso-context) as well as the social context in which sex work occurs (macro-context). Findings illustrate that although sex work in Greece has been legalised for about two decades, traces of abolitionist discourses can be found in the Press, building barriers in the emancipatory efforts of sex workers who stand up for having equal civil and labour rights as their fellow citizens.


2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kelly

This article provides a critical discourse analysis of Scottish newspaper reports relating to football and ‘sectarianism’ in Scotland. It claims that there is a powerful and longstanding ideological ‘framing’ of sectarianism in sections of the Scottish press that is latently power-laden. This discourse attempts to construct and reaffirm a unified non-sectarian core identity that ‘real’ and ‘authentic’ Scots (should) share in opposition to a set of sectarian ‘others’. The various connotations attached to sectarian and sectarianism, together with their use in particular ways that reflect an ideological hegemony, are illustrated. Much of the press treatment of sectarianism is shown to lack sensitivity to the historical, hierarchical and relational aspects of religious, political and ethnic identities in Scotland.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dávid Kaposi

This article comprises a discourse analysis of The Times’ (the British daily newspaper) coverage of Israeli deployment of white phosphorous during the first Gaza war. It argues that this issue is of special theoretical importance as it demonstrates a rare instance of a medium that is considered supportive of an agent (i.e. the state of Israel) offering apparently substantial criticism of that particular agent. The article progresses by uncovering layers of the newspaper’s coverage. It starts by introducing some quantitative characteristics, then moves on to analysis proper – explicit arguments and implicit meaning in editorials. In doing this, the author argues that an understanding of the discourse around criticism and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict needs to account not just for overt arguments but implicit meanings which, consciously or not, are sustaining those arguments.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 1018-1027
Author(s):  
Dr. ELHAM Ghobain

In this paper, I attempt to present an example of following Hallidays grammatical system in analysing a text that can bear racial references. Doing so, the text analysis can be viewed from a critical discourse analysis perspective. The text chosen, titled Europe Must Close Its Borders or be Swamped by Third World, published in 2009, exhibits a typical example of the political rhetoric used by far-right political parties represented by one of its leaders in Britain, Nick Griffin. My assumption is that every word, every verb, and every phrase used is carefully chosen to convey the intended agendas of the party to its prospect voters in a clever way, which achieves its maximum effect with little or no apparent violation to the press guidelines. I also believe that such a stirring text, as far as the paper is concerned, would benefit from the use of various types of verbs and phrases that should suffice the requirement of the analysis. The paper may be of good use to students interested in studying this system of analysis as it deeply goes into the details of the used text.


Author(s):  
Simon Dawes

By conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the Communications White Paper 2000, this article demonstrates the processes by which the government has socially and discursively reconstructed the public service ethos of broadcasting and the relations between citizenship and consumerism. Focussing on the occurrences of the citizen- and consumer-signifiers, the analysis confirms the claims of critical social theorists that there has been a shift in the government’s conception of the public from citizens to consumers. However, by adopting a cross-disciplinary methodology to the analysis of the texts, the complex processes and tensions involved in this shift can be made manifest, and the ways in which the differences between public and private oppositions are rhetorically reduced – so that the consumer becomes an active agent, able to act collectively, while the citizen becomes a passive individual – can be demonstrated.


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