Pro-Family Politics and Fringe Parties in Canada

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1062-1063
Author(s):  
James Farney
Keyword(s):  
British Columbia ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Strong Argument ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
University Of British Columbia ◽  
Family Politics ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
English Speaking World

Pro-Family Politics and Fringe Parties in Canada, Chris MacKenzie, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2005, pp. 292.MacKenzie's title is misleading, for the major focus of the book is not pro-family parties across Canada. Rather, he uses an intensive study of a single provincial pro-family party—the Family Coalition Party of British Columbia (FCP)—as a starting point for an ambitious and successful attempt to chart the conceptual morass that lies between the literatures on social movements and political parties. He makes a strong argument that small, ideologically driven parties on either end of the ideological spectrum face two distinct sets of challenges: those of political parties and those of social movements. Understanding how this double jeopardy affects the success of what he terms party/movements is important. In this respect, the book is an important contribution to the literature on what political scientists more usually call minor parties. The second focus of the book is new right ideology in the English-speaking world, with the FCP standing in as an example of this ideology. Here, the book is shakier, as it is not clear that the FCP is representative of this ideology or that MacKenzie is entirely objective in approaching this aspect of his topic.

scholarly journals O Brasil e o movimento social global: uma análise dos eventos de junho de 2013 em perspectiva histórica │ Brazil and the global social movement: an analysis of June 2013 events in historical perspective

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cesar Ricardo Siqueira Bolaño ◽  
Adilson Vaz Cabral Filho
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Traditional Society ◽  
Mega Events ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
United States Mexico ◽  
The Relationship

RESUMO Este artigo se propõe a analisar os movimentos sociais contemporâneos a partir de manifestações recentes em diferentes países como Egito, Tunísia, Espanha, Estados Unidos, México, Turquia e Brasil. Tendo como ponto de partida as questões em disputa em torno dos movimentos sociais brasileiros na relação de contrastes e semelhanças com outros países citados, busca compreender e oferecer pistas para sua configuração e identidade, para a plataforma de atuação e demandas que empreendem e para as interações e vinculações desses movimentos com movimentos sociais tradicionais, partidos e o posicionamento em relação à democracia representativa. Trata-se de uma abordagem teórica dos conceitos envolvidos, em torno do tema e do enfoque proposto, mas também descritiva e analítica, em torno das questões que estes movimentos sociais contemporâneos inserem no debate, como o diálogo entre demandas econômicas, políticas e socioculturais; a relação com o Estado e organizações tradicionais da sociedade, como partidos e sindicatos, e a relação com as mídias tradicionais e contemporâneas.Palavras-chave: Comunicação; Economia política; Movimentos sociais; Megaeventos esportivos.ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze contemporary social movements from recent demonstrations in different countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Spain, United States, Mexico, Turkey and Brazil. Taking as its starting point the issues in dispute over Brazilian social movements in relation of contrasts and similarities with other countries mentioned, it seeks to understand and provide clues to its configuration and identity, to the platform of action and demands that they undertake and the interactions and linkages of these movements with traditional social movements, parties and positioning in relation to representative democracy. This is a theoretical approach based on the concepts involved in the theme and the proposed approach, but also descriptive and analytical around the issues that these contemporary social movements bring to the debate, as the dialogue between economic, political and socio-cultural demands; the relationship with the state and traditional society organizations such as political parties and trade unions, and the relationship with both traditional and contemporary media.Keywords: Communication; Political economy; Social movements; Sport mega events.

The Origins of Infant Baptism — Child Believers' Baptism?

1987 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
David F. Wright
Keyword(s):  
New Testament ◽  
Recent Discussion ◽  
Infant Baptism ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The New Testament ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
English Speaking World ◽  
Almost All ◽  
New Evidence

Baptism has been placed firmly on the agenda of ecumenical theology by the Lima Report, Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry. It makes no attempt to resolve the question of baptismal origins, but judiciously summarizes the state of the debate: ‘While the possibility that infant baptism was practised in the apostolic age cannot be excluded, baptism upon personal profession of faith is the most clearly attested pattern in the New Testament documents’. The paucity of recent discussion of the beginnings of infant baptism may suggest that they are deemed insoluble, short of the discovery of new evidence. Theology, at any rate, may neither be able nor need to wait until historians of primitive Christianity reach a consensus. The possibility that infant baptism was practised relatively early, perhaps even in the New Testament Churches themselves, was no deterrent to Karl Barth's regarding it as theologically indefensible. Nevertheless, he could not ignore what he called ‘the brute fact of a baptismal practice which has become the rule in churches in all countries and in almost all confessions’, and he ventured his own explanation of the triumph of infant baptism and of the New Testament passages to which its advocates customarily appeal. His sharp critique of the tradition provoked a greater stir on the continent of Europe than in the English-speaking world. A fresh look at the historical question is certainly overdue, although its starting-point is bound to be the celebrated exchange between Joachim Jeremias and Kurt Aland of two decades ago. Ecumenical discussion, and in some Churches, ecumenical reality, call on both paedobaptists and credobaptists to examine the others' Practice with a new seriousness. In such a context the beginnings of the dominant tradition cannot healthily be left unscrutinised or treated as inscrutable.

The Problem of Appeasement

1963 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Lanyi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Red Tide ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The Real ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
English Speaking World ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In

An evaluation of British foreign policy towards Nazi Germany is still overlaid in England by political controversy. The two main political parties cannot deny their descent from the parties that confronted each other in the 1930's. The question of responsibility for that tragically unsuccessful foreign policy and for the ensuing war still produces heated reproaches in the political arena and equally heated debates among historians. The belief that, had Britain taken the “right line,” the war could have been prevented is still very strong. In the words of the Oxford historian, A. L. Rowse: “There was a hope then, and it did matter what line we took; during that last decade this country exercised a leading influence in Europe and still held a position of leadership in the English-speaking world. All that has changed: the real decisions are made elsewhere” (p. 4). Had Hitler been checked and the exhaustive blood-letting avoided, would the “real decisions” still be made in England? These nagging questions arise again and again on the rostrum, in the newspapers, in Senior Common Rooms. They have produced two sets of legends, of which various versions circulate. The Right asserts in Quintin Hogg's words that “the Left was never right,” and that by demagogically exploiting the public's pacifist temper it kept Britain from rearming so that the Conservative governments had no alternative to appeasement. The Left, on the other hand, developed the legend that Tories feared Soviet Russian communism more than Nazism and saw in Hitler the man who stemmed the Red tide from spreading westward. The Communist version of this goes further; it asserts that Neville Chamberlain, in true Machiavellian fashion, encouraged Hitler to expand towards the East in order to involve him in a serious conflict with Stalin.

scholarly journals THE APOLITICAL SOCIAL CONTRACT: CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRATIC POLITICS BEYOND DEPOLITICIZED SOCIAL CONTRACT

2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (136) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Leno Danner
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Citizen Initiatives ◽  
Political Praxis ◽  
Legal Staff

ABSTRACT This article provides a criticism of the apolitical starting point of social contract theories through the analysis of Rawls's original position and Habermas's idea of complex society, arguing that such depoliticized starting point leads to the refusal of the centrality of social struggles between classes as the basis of streamlining social evolution and institutional constitution. In order to achieve political agreement, it erases and even eliminates the struggles between social classes, the status quo and the social-political differences between social groups as the core of societal and institutional configuration. Moreover, it leads to strong institutionalism-the centrality of the formal spheres and subjects (institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff, as political parties and courts) in relation to informal spheres and subjects (civil society, social movements and citizen initiatives). Therefore, the political consequences of a depoliticized or apolitical starting point are threefold: (a) the depoliticization of social struggles between opposed social classes, (b) the strong institutionalism by the emphasis in the depoliticized institutions and in the rule of law, and (c) the weakening of a democratic political praxis performed by social movements and citizen initiatives from a direct contraposition and even substitution of the institutions, their proceduralism and legal staff with the spontaneous politicalcultural praxis of these social movements and citizen initiatives. The great problem and challenge of contemporary democratic societies, namely the correlation between strong institutionalism, political parties and economic oligarchies, cannot be resolved from the juridical-political procedural paradigm's emphasis on institutionalism and the rule of law, but only by a reaffirmation of political praxis as the fundamental core of institutional and societal constitution, legitimation and evolution, which implies that democratic politics must be conceived of as a permanent struggle against strong institutionalism by the political subjects of civil society. Here a permanent and radical politicization of the informal public spheres and subjects is required.

Roads not adopted: tourism research in neo-liberal(?) times.

2021 ◽  
pp. 198-208
Author(s):  
Roy C. Wood
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Tourism Research ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Intellectual Origins ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Economic Philosophy ◽  
English Speaking World ◽  
General Influence

Abstract This chapter explores conceptions of neo-liberalism in the context of the development of tourism research. Although its intellectual origins are somewhat earlier, neo-liberalism as an economic philosophy is mostly seen as growing in global dominance from the late 1970s and early 1980s. However, the starting point for this discussion is the extensive and ongoing debate about neo-liberalism's general influence on higher education in particular. This is justified in terms of the corresponding growth of tourism in higher education since the 1970s. Putting it another way, in the English-speaking world (and, some would argue, beyond), the apparent growth of neo-liberalism in higher education is coincidental with the rise of tourism as a subject in that milieu. Accordingly, we might not unreasonably expect the development of tourism as a relatively new area of enquiry to more strongly reflect the supposed tropes of the neo-liberal project than is the case with more established subjects. Following from this, the chapter seeks to explore the extent to which the neo-liberal project has influenced tourism research, finally reflecting on the implications of such an analysis.

‘Race’ in Britain and the Politics of Difference

1996 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 177-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tariq Modood
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Universal Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theory Of Justice ◽  
Political World ◽  
Politics Of Difference ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Material Goods ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
English Speaking World

It was only a few years ago that the central topic of academic political philosophy, at least in the English-speaking world, was distributive justice. The focus was very much on economic or material goods; the question being whether people were entitled to have what they had, or did justice require that someone else should have some of it. That the arguments about justice led to investigating the conceptions of self, rationality and community that underpinned them meant that the debate was far from governed by economics and welfare, and was capable of moving in many directions and far from its starting-point. Yet that many of the leading participants in the ‘liberalism v. communitarianism’ debate should now have come to place diversity, pluralism and multiculturalism at the centre of their theorising, with the emphasis being on the justness of cultural rather than economic transactions, is surely not just a product of ‘following the argument to where it leads’. The change in philosophical focus is also determined by changes in the political world; by the challenges of feminism, the growing recognition that most Western societies are, partly because of movements of populations, increasingly multi-ethnic and multi-racial, and the growing questioning of whether the pursuit of a universal theory of justice may not itself be an example of a Western cultural imperialism. The politics I am pointing to is various and by no means harmonious, but a common feature perhaps is the insistence that there are forms of inequality and domination beyond those of economics and material distributions.

‘Cookin' on the West Coast’: a contribution from the Swedish West Coast to contemporary composition practice

Popular Music ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olle Edström
Keyword(s):  
Popular Music ◽  
West Coast ◽  
The West ◽  
Swedish West Coast ◽  
Tin Pan Alley ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Music Research ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
English Speaking World

In recent years, interest within popular music research in describing, analysing and discussing the music itself, the sounding object, has considerably increased. To the English speaking world, the most well known example perhaps is the work of Allan Moore (1993). At my department in Gothenburg, however, by the middle of the 1980s already several dissertations were being written taking the structure of popular music as their starting point to analyse the functions and meaning of popular music in society (Åhlen 1987, Björnberg 1987, Lilliestam 1988). The only problem with these dissertations, as well as with my book on the tin-pan alley tradition in Sweden (1989), is that they are all written in Swedish (although the dissertations have summaries in English or German).

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