The Spread of Antislavery Sentiment through Proslavery Tracts in the Transatlantic Evangelical Community, 1740s–1770s

2012 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 348-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young Hwi Yoon

In the history of the Atlantic antislavery movement, two events were of great importance: the Great Awakening and the American Revolution. In the 1730s and 1740s, many evangelicals stimulated by the religious revival, travelled to the opposite side of the Atlantic, preached the gospel, and published a number of books that contained their evangelical faith and ideals. Through these activities many evangelicals in Anglo-American communities shared common interests, faith, and ideology, and some found a channel of transatlantic communication in which they were able to debate the slavery issue. The American Revolution also contributed to creating an atmosphere of tension in the 1770s, in which antislavery sentiment became transformed into moral conviction. The development of this ideology can be explained by the spread of antipathy toward slavery in the Atlantic world before the Revolution. This essay focuses on the change in the evangelical mindset between these two religio-political events, asking: how did the antislavery sentiment spread through the transatlantic evangelical network from the 1740s into the 1770s?

Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter looks at several vignettes through which one sees the history of a crucial swathe of the revolution told through performances of martyrdom. These link to important political events in the revolution, but also to a dense network of textual and spatial anchors far beyond the scope of discrete acts of political contention. The experience of uncloseable liminality in the revolution was disorienting and uncomfortable, but it was also truly liminal in the sense that it enabled new forms of agency, or one might just say that “thinking outside the box” becomes obligatory when the status of the box itself is thrown into doubt. For some, this absence-of-the-box agency was a source of creativity. When a contest for power ensued after the collapse of communitas it did not mean that all forms of history and prior social attachments disappeared, but it did allow revolutionaries much greater license as bricoleurs who could do things in performance spaces that could not have been previously thinkable, and join things together that could not have been joined. But it must not be forgotten that ritual exists for a reason, namely as a means for controlling the dangers of liminality.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Matthew R. Bahar

A Thanksgiving Day pageant at Plymouth Harbor, Massachusetts, in 1970 revealed the extent to which modern Americans have forgotten an important chapter of their early past. Though profoundly significant in the political, economic, and cultural development of both Native and colonial societies in the Northeast, the history of Wabanaki sea power has been intentionally and inadvertently overlooked by myriad peoples. New Englanders in the era of the American Revolution ignored their history of victimhood at the hands of Indians and their dependency on the British Empire to mitigate it. The story has since been buried deeper by popular and academic writing informed by historical assumptions about American Indians, the Atlantic world, and piracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-384
Author(s):  
Liam Riordan

A history of the book approach to Thomas Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay (published 1764-1828) recovers his commitment to preserve facts and his place in eighteenth-century historiography. Hutchinson's vilification by patriots still obscures our understanding of his loyalism. The article reassesses late colonial society, the American Revolution, and Anglo-American culture in the British Atlantic World.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Bradley

“And now the new system of government came into being. For the first time since the accession of the House of Hanover, the Tory party was in the ascendant.” So wrote Lord Macaulay concerning the early years of George III's reign. In Macaulay's essay on the earl of Chatham one can find all the elements of the Whig myth of the reign of George III. Most of these ideas have been safely laid to rest by Sir Lewis Namier and modern research; we now know that there was neither a new system of government at the accession of the king nor anything resembling a Tory party. George III was not the tyrant depicted in the Declaration of Independence, there was no plot in the imagined cabinet of “king's friends” to overthrow the constitution, and when, with respect to the colonies, the king declared that he would abide by the decision of his Parliament, he was taking a stand on the side of Whig principles and the Revolution Settlement.One element in the putative resurgence of Toryism that Macaulay and other Whig historians emphasized was High-Anglican political theology. G. H. Guttridge, for example, in his English Whiggism and the American Revolution (1942) well understood the differences between the Toryism of the period of the American Revolution and that of the earlier century. Tories had come to accept the Revolution Settlement, the Hanoverian succession, and even “a modicum of religious toleration.” But if they had lost the bloom of monarchical sentiment, they retained the concept of a state unified above sectional and party interests. Guttridge's formulas were admittedly too simplistic and they justly invited criticism, but one of the overlooked merits of his work was that he located the continuity of conservative thought in its religious aspect. He observed that, “Standing for the two great Tory principles, national unity and a religious sanction for the established order, the Church of England was the central institution of Toryism—the state in its religious aspect, and the divine principle in monarchical government.” The demolition of the Whig interpretation, however, has resulted in a thorough-going neglect of political discourse, and several notable examples of this deconstruction bear directly upon Anglican political thought. In his introduction to the History of Parliament John Brooke wrote that during the American Revolution the Anglican clergy in England had no specific attitude toward the war or any other aspect of government policy. When the reprint of G. H. Guttridge's essay appeared in 1963, Ian Christie wrote a vigorous rebuttal to the idea of a revival of Toryism in the early part of George III's reign without a single reference to the Anglican Church.


1947 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Vernadsky

The two great revolutions of the eighteenth century—the American and the French had each in turn and in its own way a profound influence not only on the history of the United States and of France, but directly or indirectly on the history of the whole world.These two powerful currents had a common source in the French ideological movement before the Revolution. The development of American revolutionary thought was of course more closely linked to the English ideology, but there was much contact and cross influence between the English and the French philosophers. Further, the French political and philosophical literature was directly accessible to Americans without intermediary English works. We have only to mention Montesquieu and his principle of the separation of powers which serves as the basis of the Constitution of the United States. Also, the American Revolution influenced in turn political developments in France. One finds the roots of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen not only in France but in America as well.


1899 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Frank H. Hill

The classic view of the struggle between George III. and the Whig aristocracy, which had its climax and catastrophe in the years 1783–4, is given with great force in Sir George Trevelyan's ‘History of the American Revolution.’ ‘By the time,’ he writes, ‘George III. had been on the throne ten years, there were no two opinions about the righteousness and wisdom of the Revolution of 1688. To hear them talk they were all Whigs together, but meanwhile, under their eyes and with their concurrence, a despotism of subtle and insidious texture was being swiftly and deftly interwoven into the entire fabric of the constitution. The strong will, the imperious character and the patient unresting industry of the King, working through subservient Ministers on a corrupt Parliament, had made him master of the State as effectively and far more securely than if his authority had rested on the support of an army of foreign mercenaries.’


Quarters ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
John Gilbert McCurdy

This chapter introduces quartering as a social and political experience that proved instrumental to the coming of the American Revolution. It reviews the historical literature on quartering in the context of studies of the American Revolution, noting that many historians have mistakenly argued that the Quartering Act forced British soldiers into colonial Americans’ homes; it also situates the history of quartering within the Atlantic World. It asserts that quartering is best approached as a topic about place and place-making, touching on the literature of military geography, arguing that the spatial lessons of quartering in Revolutionary America have had long-lasting consequences. It concludes with an overview of the book.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Nikolaevna NIKOLAEVA

We study the life path and social and political activity of Joseph Galloway – one of the most outstanding members of loyalist party during the American War of Independence in the North America. The history of loyalist movement remains one of the most controversial subjects of historical research. Over past decades, the most prominent historians have not deduced the amount, social compound and motivation of loyalists. Among “anti-heroes” of American Revolution J. Galloway traditionally attracts attention of many liberal and conservative historians. We examine the origins of outlook of the leader of loyalists in Pennsylvania, study J. Galloway’s views on political reforms in a proprietary colony and discusse the concept of Plan, proposed by him during the 1st Continental Congress in September 1774. We conclude that J. Galloway’s patriotic project – vital during Stamp Act repelling movement – became outdated at the beginning of the American War of Independence. Due to the influence of “New Colonial Politics” of G. Grenville and C. Townshend, absence of much needed political reforms and the cruelty of the British soldiers congress delegates stopped to believe in possibility of the Anglo-American union.


Author(s):  
David Armitage

Two assumptions can be made about the American Revolution: it shaped the Atlantic world and was shaped by the Atlantic world. These Atlantic perspectives challenged accounts of it as a specifically American sequence of events, of defining relevance only to the history of United States. Conjuring states out of colonies was the single most radical act of the American Revolution: indeed, it was precisely what turned that sequence of events from a civil war into a revolution as it began the transformation of the Atlantic world into an arena hospitable, first, to independent states on its western shores, then to republicanism (in the sense of non-monarchical government), and finally to the creation of federal republics — the United States, Venezuela, and Mexico, for instance — on a scale undreamed of by classical and early modern thinkers. This article retraces the course of the Revolution from its beginnings in the aftermath of the Seven Years War and places its events into the context of Britain's Atlantic empire and the shifting fortunes of the other European empires of the Atlantic world.


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