Some Latin Inscriptions. I

1934 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
R. H. Barrow

One of the greatest historical achievements of the last century was the gathering together of the Latin inscriptions scattered over the various countries of Europe and the Mediterranean. The scheme was originated by Kellermann of Copenhagen (1805–37), who spent the last nine years of his life collecting inscriptions in Italy. It was taken up by members of the French Academy and finally carried through by the Berlin Academy. Many scholars, French, German, and Italian, had prepared the way by publishing collections of inscriptions; and the plan of the two scholars Zumpt, uncle and nephew, who were entrusted with the early preparations did not embrace much more than the rearranging of the published inscriptions. In 1847 a comprehensive scheme—the compilation of a corpus of inscriptions whether already published or not—was submitted to the Berlin Academy by Theodor Mommsen. In 1853 final approval was given and in 1863 appeared the first volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, consilio et auctoritate Academiae litterarum regiae Borussicae editum.

1878 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 153-154
Author(s):  
Robert Boog Watson

The difficulties in the way of dredging at Madeira are many and considerable. This has probably prevented any of this work having been done since the publication of Mr Macandrew's list of Mollusca, presented to the British Association in 1854. The author having dredged for several years at Madeira, confirms Macandrew's generalisation of the Mediterranean character of the Mollusca— excludes 12 of Macandrew's named list as having crept in by mistake, and to the 115 remaining species identified by Macandrew as Madeiran has added 200 to 250 more, making nearly 400 in all, of which 80 or perhaps 100 are probably new. These he hopes soon to publish.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-185
Author(s):  
J Potgieter

In this article, the argument is made that homosexual relationships of love and commitment was known by the writers of the Bible. Though definitions like “gay” or “homosexuality” was not known, sexual identity was known. According to the anthropology of the Mediterranean people, somebody’s identity was found in the way he or she lived: “If I have a homosexual relationship, then my identity was homosexual”. This article shows that permanent homosexual relationships of love and commitment were known among the Greek philosophers. People like Plato, Aristotle and Pausanius had permanent homosexual partners. Even Paul knew about permanent homosexual relationships of love and commitment. Sufficient evidence has been found in cities like Rome, Corinth and Ephesus on the existence of such relationships.


Author(s):  
Konstantina Zanou

Chapter 4 explores Russia’s imperial ambitions and military conduct in the Mediterranean during the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. It focuses on the endeavour of the ‘Septinsular Republic’ (1800–7), a constitutional aristocratic, semi-independent statelet, which put the Ionian islands under the sovereignty of the Porte and the direct political and military protection of Russia. It presents the main characters who staffed this short-lived polity—namely, Giorgio Mocenigo, Ioannis Kapodistrias, Spiridione Naranzi, Andrea Mustoxidi, and Bishop Ignatius—and argues that Russia’s political and military conduct in the Mediterranean, and particularly in the Ionian Adriatic, had a strong impact on the way national and liberal ideas were developing in the area.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Cerase ◽  
Massimo Crescimbene ◽  
Federica La Longa ◽  
Alessandro Amato

Abstract. According to a deep-rooted conviction, the occurrence of a tsunami in the Mediterranean Sea would be very rare. However, in addition to the catastrophic event of Messina and Reggio Calabria (1908) and the saved danger for the tsunami occurred on Cycladic sea in 1956, 44 events are reported in the Mediterranean Sea between 1951 and 2003, and other smaller tsunamis occurred off Morocco, Aegean and Ionian seashores between 2017 and 2018. Such events, that are just a little part of the over 200 historically events reported for the Mediterranean (Maramai, Brizuela & Graziani, 2014) should remind geoscientists, civil protection officers, media and citizens that 1) tsunami hazard in the Mediterranean is not negligible, and 2) tsunamis come in all shapes and colours, and even a small event can result in serious damages and loss of lives and properties. Recently, a project funded by the European Commission (TSUMAPS-NEAM, Basili et al., 2018) has estimated the tsunami hazard due to seismic sources in the NEAM region (one of the four ICG coordinated by the UNESCO IOC) finding that a significant hazard is present in most coasts of the area, particularly in those of Greece and Italy. In such a scenario, where low probability and high uncertainty match with poor knowledge and familiarity with tsunami hazard, risk mitigation strategies and risk communicators should avoid undue assumptions about public’s supposed attitudes and preparedness, as these may results in serious consequences for the exposed population, geoscientists, and civil protection officers. Hence, scientists must carefully shape their messages and rely on well-researched principled practices rather than on good intuitions (Bostrom, & Löfstedt, 2003). For these reasons, the Centro Allerta Tsunami of the Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica e Vulcanologia (hereinafter CAT-INGV) promoted a survey to investigate tsunami’s risk perception in two pilot regions of Southern Italy, Calabria and Apulia, providing a stratified sample of 1021 interviewees representing about 3.2mln people living in 183 coastal municipalities of two regions subjected (along with Sicily) to relatively high probability to be hit by a tsunami. Results show that people’s perception and understanding of tsunami are affected by media accounts of large tsunamis of 2004 (Sumatra) and 2011 (Tohoku, North East Japan): television emerged as the most relevant source of knowledge for almost 90 % of the sample, and the influence of media also results in the way tsunami risk is characterized. Risk perception appears to be low: for almost half of the sample the occurrence of a tsunami in the Mediterranean sea is considered quite unlikely. Furthermore, the survey’s results show that the word tsunami occupies a different semantic space with respect to the Italian traditional headword maremoto, with differences among sample strata. In other words, the same physical phenomenon would be understood in two different ways by younger, educated people and elders with low education level. Also belonging to different coastal areas appears to have a significant influence on the way tsunami hazard is conceived, having a stronger effect on risk characterization, for instance the interviewees of Tyrrhenian Calabria are more likely to associate tsunami risk to volcanoes with respect to other considered coastlines. The results of this study provide a relevant account of the issues at a stake, also entailing important implication both for risk communication and mitigation policies.


Author(s):  
Edwige Tamalet Talbayev

Critically engaging the concept of the Mediterranean as a “liquid continent” (Gabriel Audisio), the book argues in favor of a “transcontinental” heuristic model that rests on the transmaritime deployment of the Maghreb within the millennia-old relation that has materially and culturally bound it to multiple Mediterranean sites. Studying a Mediterranean-inspired body of texts from Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Gibraltar in French, Arabic, and Spanish, the book delivers provocative analyses that complicate the dichotomy between nation and Mediterranean, the valence of the postcolonial topos of nomadism in the face of postcolonial trauma, and conceptions of the Mediterranean as a mythical site averse to historical realization. The book substitutes a trans-Mediterranean reading of Kateb Yacine’s Nedjma as allegory of the Maghreb’s long-standing plurality for Albert Camus’ colonialist Mediterranean utopia. Through this adjusted Mediterranean genealogy, it reveals the intersection of these Mediterranean imaginaries with Maghrebi claims to an inclusive, democratic national ideal yet to be realized. Attuned to both the perpetual fluctuation of the Mediterranean as method and the political imperatives specific to the postcolonial Maghreb, the transcontinental reveals the limits of models of hybridity and nomadism oblivious to material realities. Through a sustained reflection on the potential and limitations of allegory and critical melancholia, the book shows how the Mediterranean successfully decenters postcolonial nation-building projects and mediates the nomadic subject’s reinsertion into a revised national collective respectful of heterogeneity. These far-reaching adjustments to our readings of the Maghreb and the Mediterranean help us rethink not just the space of the sea, the hybridity it produced, and the way it shaped historical dynamics (globalization, imperialism, decolonization, and nationalism) but also the very nature of postcolonial histories and identities along its shores.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-191
Author(s):  
Victor M. Guminsky

The article makes an attempt to specify the actual routes of Gogol’s sea voyage in the Mediterranean Sea on his way to the Holy Land in the beginning of 1848 and to analyze the available data about his possible routes (in comparison to other Russian pilgrims). The author attempts to verify the authenticity of some data shared by Gogol whose reputation of an inventor and hoaxer among his contemporaries was not accidental. The article questions the tentative Gogol’s pilgrimage to the Corfu Island (Kerkira) to pray before the relics of St. Spyridon of Trimython and an extraordinary event that happened there: a miracle that provided an evident proof against one Englishman’s skepticism who had suggested that the relics’ incorruptibility was fabricated. Gogol’s story about the “Englishman’s disgrace” was retold by two of his contemporaries, and these reports are acknowledged by some modern researchers as truthful. However, the author of this essay believes there are some reasons to mistrust these sources as accurate. The data used for this purpose was taken from the published materials and archive sources but also bears on factual information, such as distances between different geographical points and the average speed of steamships in the middle of the 19 th century.


2004 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. F04
Author(s):  
Pietro Greco

Can (and should) there be a "Mediterranean model" of science communication? For those of us who work in the field of science communication in a country which is on the Mediterranean Sea, this has always been a question that spontaneously leaps to mind. This is because we "feel" there is something intangible in our way of communicating science that is rather similar to the way of a French, Spanish (or even Brazilian) colleague of ours, whereas it is slightly different from that of an American or British one. And yet, the more in depth this question is studied in time, the more complex the answer becomes.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 517-525
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Milewski

The above article discusses one of the aspects of the Vandals’ religious policy in Africa, that is, deportations of Catholic bishops ordered by the Vandal kings. Of course, the Vandal kings were Arians and the fact itself defined their attitude towards Catholic clergy in North Africa, which they occupied. Describing the background of these depor­tations, their course and other repression which befell Catholic clergy (and the faithful) in Africa in the middle of the fifth century, we can only rely on the sources of Catholic authors, who had a negative attitude to the Vandals and their leaders. They portrayed them as crude and bloodthirsty tyrants, or even as psychopaths. Discussing the deportations of bishops in the reign of Genseric and Huneric, the back­ground of the events was also presented. It was deduced that the underlying reason for the persecution of Catholics was the Vandals’ urge to consolidate their power in Africa. The bishops deprived of their seats were deported by the Vandal kings to Numidia (to the grounds controlled by the Moors) or to the islands of the Mediterranean Sea (Corsica, Sardegna) which belonged to the Vandals’ state. There they were forced to hard physical work (work on the land, cutting down trees used to build ships). Many of them, however, did not reach the assigned places of exile – they died on the way from physical exhaustion.


Author(s):  
Nikola Vuletić

AbstractThis paper offers an insight into the way language contacts in the Mediterranean context were dealt with in the Croatian lexicography of the 16th and 17th centuries. The first part provides the historical background of the contact situations from the 7th century up to the end of the 17th century, focusing on Dalmatia. The second part represents an analysis of Dalmatian-Romance, Italo-Romance and Turkish loanwords in five dictionaries (Vrančić, Kašić, Mikalja, Tanzlingher-Zanotti, and Ritter Vitezović), reflecting the results of the language contacts on the eastern shores of the Adriatic Sea and in its immediate hinterland. Positive and negative attitudes of the five authors towards language-borrowing are discussed, as some important differences can be observed, particularly with regard to Italo-Romance loanwords.


Antichthon ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 78-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.W. Clarke

Gibbon describes the years that correspond with the lifetime of Cyprian of Carthage thus: ‘the whole period was one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity’. On the whole the impression to be gained from the extant correspondence of Cyprian of Carthage (the eighty-two letters are to be dated between the years c.249 and 258) is not of this kind and this evidence ought to act in some degree as a brake on exaggerated descriptions of the chaos of the period. Cyprian can assume, without the slightest hint of doubt, uninterrupted ease of communications all around the Mediterranean, freely cross-referring to other public letters of his on the assumption that they must have come the way of his correspondents. Similarly he is prepared to claim of an open letter written by the Roman clergy that it ‘has been circulated throughout the entire world and has reached the knowledge of every Church and of all the brethren’. The official correspondence which Cyprian conducted is indeed of notable breadth and frequency—among the letters which we chance to have figure communications with Christian communities in Spain, in Gaul, in Cappadocia (all suggesting previous correspondence with these areas), and of course in Rome and elsewhere in Italy. As Metropolitan of the African Church he sends to Rome on one occasion a list of all the orthodox African bishops and their sees, no doubt in order to keep the Roman records up-to-date—and also their address-list for their communications. Furthermore, after the abortively threatening persecution of Gallus the regular meetings in Carthage of the African synod appear to have been resumed. At Carthage, at any rate, life appears to have been little affected by the military and administrative débâcle that was becoming evident in imperial circles and from Cyprian’s point of view the Mediterranean world still appeared to be very much a unity.


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