THE FORD ADMINISTRATION AND SECURITY POLICY IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC AFTER THE FALL OF SAIGON

2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 697-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW J. GAWTHORPE
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Ford Administration ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Regional Factors ◽  
Communist Countries

ABSTRACTThis article enhances our understanding of the Ford administration's foreign policy by examining how it sought to react to a changed situation in the Asia-Pacific after the fall of Saigon in May 1975. It shows how changes in regional politics forced the administration to adapt to a situation in which allies began to look to the Communist countries for friendship and to reconsider having American forces on their soil. It illustrates this situation by looking at base negotiations in Thailand and the Philippines, and the administration's search for an alternative arrangement in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. It then reconsiders two crisis situations in the region to examine the relevance of the superpower competition to the administration's responses. This aids our understanding of the role that regional factors played in tactical foreign policy decisions taken by the Ford administration, extending beyond a focus on the superpower competition that has marked the historiography of the administration in the past.

scholarly journals Gathering Souls: Jesuit Missions and Missionaries in Oceania (1668–1945)

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-115
Author(s):  
Alexandre Coello de la Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Marshall Islands ◽  
Society Of Jesus ◽  
Missionary Work ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Taking Charge ◽  
Jesuit Missionaries

Abstract This article deals with the missionary work of the Society of Jesus in today’s Micronesia from the 17th to the 20th century. Although the Jesuit missionaries wanted to reach Japan and other Pacific islands, such as the Palau and Caroline archipelagos, the crown encouraged them to stay in the Marianas until 1769 (when the Society of Jesus was expelled from the Philippines) to evangelize the native Chamorros as well as to reinforce the Spanish presence on the fringes of the Pacific empire. In 1859, a group of Jesuit missionaries returned to the Philippines, but they never officially set foot on the Marianas during the nineteenth century. It was not until the twentieth century that they went back to Micronesia, taking charge of the mission on the Northern Marianas along with the Caroline and Marshall Islands, thus returning to one of the cradles of Jesuit martyrdom in Oceania.

scholarly journals TOWARDS A FLORA OF NEW GUINEA: OLEACEAE. PART 1. JASMINUM, LIGUSTRUM, MYXOPYRUM AND OLEA.

REINWARDTIA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Ruth Kiew
Keyword(s):  
Papua New Guinea ◽  
Endemic Species ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
New Guinea ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Peninsular Malaysia ◽  
Far North ◽  
Coastal Species ◽  
The Pacific

KIEW, R. 2020. Towards a Flora of New Guinea: Oleaceae. Part 1. Jasminum, Ligustrum, Myxopyrum and Olea. Reinwardtia 19(1): 1‒25. ‒‒ Oleaceae in New Guinea is represented by five genera and about 32 species, namely Chionanthus (about 16 species), Jasminum (10 species), Ligustrum (3 species), Myxopyrum (2 species) and Olea (1 species). A key to genera as well as descriptions of and keys to species of Jasminum, Ligustrum, Myxopyrum and Olea are provided. Of the three Ligustrum species, L. glomeratum is widespread throughout Malesia, L. novoguineense is endemic and L. parvifolium Kiew is a new endemic species. Six species of Jasminum are endemic (J. domatiigerum, J. gilgianum, J. magnificum, J. papuasicum, J. pipolyi and J. rupestre). Jasminum turneri just reaches the northern tip of Australia; of the two species from the Pacific Islands J. simplicifolium subsp. australiense just reaches SE Papua New Guinea and J. didymum, a coastal species, reaches into Malesia as far north as E Java; J. elongatum is widespread from Asia to Australia. Neither Myxopyrum species is endemic: M. nervosum subsp. nervosum extends from Peninsular Malaysia to Indonesian New Guinea, and M. ovatum from the Philippines to the Admiralty Islands. The sole species of Olea, O. paniculata, stretches from Java to Australia and New Caledonia. 

scholarly journals China’s Growing Influence in the Pacific Islands and Its Implications on Climate Change

2021 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Kankana Debnath ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
World War ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Paris Climate Agreement ◽  
Pacific Island Nations ◽  
First Time

The geostrategic value of the Pacific region has started to gain momentum for the first time since the end of World War II. The region is consisting of Melanesia, Micronesia, Polynesia, and Australasia. The center of global geostrategic fulcrum has moved to the Asia-Pacific with China’s growing strategic and economic interest in the region. Pacific Island nations that consider themselves on the front lines of climate change had hoped the U.S. and other regional powers like Australia would stay committed to the global deal to cut emissions and help populations confront the rising seas around them. But they didn’t and as a result the island nations turned towards China, as Beijing has vowed to stay in the Paris Climate Agreement. The paper has dealt with the change in power play in the region on the perspective of climate change and has focused on the future of the regional equation with China.

Redefining Security Roles: Japan's Response to the September 11 Terrorism

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Go Ito
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Security Relationship

This paper examines Japan's security policy after the September 11 terrorism, arguing that its response has been part of a larger process of redefining its security role in the Asia-Pacific region for the last decade. The passage of the 1992 Peacekeeping Law and the 1999 US-Japan security guidelines were an important part of the drastic changes. The paper also discusses the Japanese government's response to the September 11 terrorism, looking into the question of how the government sought to maintain a balance between military contributions to US-Japan security alliance and the restriction on the “threat and use of force” prescribed in the Constitution. Japan's recent pro-activeness toward Asia and entry into regional politics is also examined. The paper concludes by arguing that the combination of continued Japan's security relationship with the US and its strenuous efforts to enter Asian regional politics will be the first step toward real “normalcy” of Japan.

Tokyo will push to keep influence in South-east Asia

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Asian Leadership ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy

Subject Outlook for South-east Asia-Japan relations. Significance Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe meets US President Donald Trump on February 10. This follows his January 12-17 tour of the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and Australia and new US defence secretary James Mattis's visit to Tokyo and South Korea last week. China’s assertiveness and influence in the Asia-Pacific region, and the policy uncertainties surrounding the Trump administration threaten Japan’s traditional foreign and security policy settings and East and South-east Asian leadership role. Impacts South-east Asian states will try to play China and Japan off against each other for improved infrastructure financing. Australia and Japan are now the leading countries committed to the TPP’s continued relevance. Vietnam is likely to seek deeper economic and security ties with Japan. Japan may face US pressure to conduct South China Sea freedom-of-navigation patrols.

The Duterte method: A neoclassical realist guide to understanding a small power’s foreign policy and strategic behaviour in the Asia-Pacific

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Michael Magcamit
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
New Order ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
Small Power ◽  
Strategic Behaviour ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Rising China

In the contemporary Asia-Pacific context, the fault lines leading to the Thucydides trap can be attributed to the continuing strategic competition between a seemingly declining United States and a rising China. Failure to circumvent this trap can ultimately result in a war of all against all. Against this backdrop, this article investigates how a small power re-evaluates its foreign policy and strategic behaviour using neoclassical realism theory. In particular, I examine President Rodrigo Duterte’s method which is characterized by four key elements: cultivating a more favourable image for China; moderating the country’s American-influenced strategic culture; mobilizing state-society relations supportive of ‘Sinicization’; and reorienting the country’s Western-based institutions to better accommodate Chinese pressures and incentives. Does a China-centric approach give a small power an indispensable strategic capital to successfully navigate and exploit both the challenges and opportunities of the impending new order? Do the Philippines’ shifting rules of engagement under the Duterte administration represent a forward-thinking strategic outlook rather than a defeatist and naïve stance? The article answers these questions by examining the factors and dynamics underpinning the conception and construction of the Duterte method, as well as its implications vis-a-vis a small power’s foreign policy and strategic behaviour.

scholarly journals GUAM, THE CENTER OF ASIA PACIFIC: A SOURCE OF GEO-STRATEGIC RIVALRY BETWEEN CHINA AND THE US

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-60
Author(s):  
Barkat Ali ◽  
Nazim Rahim ◽  
Muhammad Usman Ullah
Keyword(s):  
Air Force ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Marine Corps ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Global Order ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The U.S

Guam is the U.S. unincorporated territory and military (base), which lies in the western part of the Pacific Islands. Guam serves as the lynchpin for the U.S. influence in the Pacific, is became the flashpoint between two nuclear powers of the region i.e. United States of America and China, due to its strategic geopolitical position. Nevertheless, Guam remained a conducive place for the U.S. naval basing as well as the territory to provide shorten and strategic edge for Washington to sustain her hegemony and influence in the region. The aim of this research paper is that, could the U.S. sustain her hold over Guam while facing the Chinese mesmerizing and clear empirical indicators of its military forces, particularly its navy, air force, missile technology, and its rapidly expanding marine corps, as the arbiters of a new global order—one that stands opposed to U.S. national interests and threat to its close allies in the region.

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