P. F. Johnson, nationalism, and Irish rural labourers, 1869–82

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (130) ◽  
pp. 191-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fintan Lane

In the late nineteenth century Irish rural labourers had few consistent advocates willing to pursue their social and economic claims at a national level. Those that did exist, such as P.F. Johnson of Kanturk, have generally managed to elude the scrutiny of historians. A number of studies on the Irish land question have referred to Johnson, but he has remained a shadowy figure despite his role as the leading labourers’ advocate between 1869 and 1882. Rural agitation during this period is most often associated with tenant farmers and their perturbations with regard to the prevailing land-tenure system and its administration. The rural working class, especially before 1885, had limited political influence, and neither the British government nor the Irish Parliamentary Party treated its claims with the seriousness that they accorded to the perceived needs of tenant farmers. Nonetheless, many commentators remarked on the wretched condition of the rural labouring population in Ireland, and it was undoubtedly the greatest demographic and socio-economic casualty of the Famine. Wages, working conditions, unemployment and underemployment, housing and access to land were all issues that agitated labourers in the late nineteenth century.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Thomas

This article uses the career and writings of the Highland land reformer Alexander Mackenzie, to shed new light on the evolution of Highland land reform in the years leading up to the Crofters' Act of 1886. Mackenzie's output as a writer and journalist shows that his early experiences of living and working on the land are vital to understanding his approach to the land question, and led him to focus not on abstract or ideal principles but on building popular consensus to secure the most pressing reforms. This moderate and pragmatic approach was not universally popular though, especially among Mackenzie's more radical reformist contemporaries. The tensions these disagreements created are symptomatic of the problems that beset the ‘Crofting Community’ in the 1880s and ‘90s: problems that would eventually cause the land reform movement to split. Nevertheless, Mackenzie's influence on the Crofters’ War was huge, and deserves greater scholarly recognition.


Author(s):  
Eagle Glassheim

Although fascism has often been considered a plebeian, even radically egalitarian ideology, many of its outspoken proponents were members of the old European elite: nobles, clericalists and representatives of the haute bourgeoisie. Historians of Nazi Germany have puzzled over the affinity of German conservatives such as Paul von Hindenburg and Franz von Papen to Adolf Hitler's National Socialist version of fascism. A small but extremely wealthy noble elite struggled to maintain its long-standing social, economic and political influence in Bohemia. By the late nineteenth century, the Bohemian nobility was a self-consciously traditional social group with a decidedly modern economic relationship to agrarian and industrial capitalism. This chapter examines the response of the Bohemian aristocracy to the new state of Czechoslovakia. This restricted caste of cosmopolitan latifundist families was more German than Czech in sentiment, and further alienated by land reform. The aristocrats entertained divergent assessments of Nazism and responded in different ways to the crisis of the state by 1938.


2020 ◽  
pp. 033248932093305
Author(s):  
Manolis Manioudis

John Stuart Mill is regarded as the last representative of the classical school of political economy. However, in a variety of issues, he developed interesting and radical economic views. The Irish land question is one of the most characteristic cases of his transition from classical economic analysis to a liberal version of socialism. This article attempts to illustrate this transition by highlighting Mill’s pluralistic and historically specific political economy. This is achieved through the delineation of his views on the Irish land question indexing his Principles of Political Economy (1848), England and Ireland (1868) and his pamphlet Land Tenure Reform (1871). The article concludes that Mill’s heretic views regarding the Irish land question are associated with his transition towards socialist views and facilitated the emergence of the Irish historical school of the late nineteenth century.


Africa ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen F. Roberts

Opening ParagraphIn the late nineteenth century, Catholic missionaries among Tabwa southwest of Lake Tanganyika (now Zaire) sought to create a cohesive community of African Christians. The priests prohibited communal practice of Tabwa religion in the vicinity of their churches (established at points of densest population) and appropriated important means of food production like river-fishing grounds, for their own exploitation or to reward those loyal to them. As they enhanced their own economic and political influence, they contributed to Tabwa anomie, rather than community.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Armando García de la Torre

AbstractScholarly literature on nineteenth-century nationalism concentrates on its strong exclusionary tendencies, while studies of the Cuban independence leader José Martí (1853–95) focus on his articulation of Cuban nationalism and pan-Latin American regionalism through his political activities and writings. This article identifies the globalism of Martí’s nationalism, moving beyond the national and regional frameworks to which studies of Martí have consigned the Cuban freedom fighter. It argues that the global history narratives that Martí wrote for children constitute critical and innovative components of his programme for national liberation and nation building, and encapsulate his nationalist ideology through three key components: the right to self-determination at the national level, the right to self-determination at the personal level, and a sense of global humanitarianism. The article’s transnational perspective places Martí, through his inclusionary, racially blind, humanitarian form of nationalism, as contradicting late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines, and begs for ideas about the general intellectual climate of the period to be rethought.


Author(s):  
Brandi Hughes

This chapter explores how missionary work that began as evangelical outreach developed into a system of shared grievances when African Americans began to see the meaningful parallels and symmetries between their own limited political influence in the Reconstruction South and African communities affected by colonialism. Drawing on the minutes of the annual meeting and publication records of the Mission Herald, the National Baptist Convention's monthly newsletter, the chapter traces African American engagement with Africa in the late nineteenth century through the transformation of a historically decentralized religious denomination into a collective space for civic mobilization, shaped by diasporic identification and linked social circumstances.


1967 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 618-620
Author(s):  
Barbara Lewis Solow

The explanations put forth during the nineteenth century to account for Ireland's economic condition may be grouped under three heads. The first was associated with the conceptual framework of the English classical economists and stressed overpopulation and excessive subdivision. A second approach, which might be called the underdeveloped-country explanation, emphasized the need for social overhead capital—drainage, flood control, communications, and education. The third approach argued that defects in the land tenure system were at the root of Ireland's failure to develop a prosperous economy.


T oung Pao ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-333
Author(s):  
Xun Liu

AbstractThis paper examines the role played by the Quanzhen Daoist Xuanmiao monastery in the defense of Nanyang (Henan) during the Taiping rebellion. It shows that Daoist loyalty to the Qing state and to the local community did not just stem from the abbot's personal hatred of the Taiping; it also mirrored the monastery's established pattern of collaboration with the imperial state since the early Qing and its long history of ritual service to and economic involvement in the local community. Because of its wealth and cultural and political influence the Xuanmiao monastery functioned as a vital and dynamic actor in shaping the history and society of late nineteenth-century Nanyang. Cet article est consacré au rôle joué par un monastère taoïste Quanzhen, le Xuanmiao guan, dans la défense de Nanyang (Henan) pendant la rébellion des Taiping. Il montre que la loyauté des taoïstes envers l'État Qing et la communauté locale n'était pas simplement l'effet de la détestation qu'inspiraient les Taiping au supérieur du monastère; elle reflétait aussi un modèle bien établi de collaboration avec l'État impérial depuis le début des Qing, ainsi qu'une longue histoire de service rituel et d'intervention économique au bénéfice de la communauté. Grâce à sa richesse et à son influence politique et culturelle, le monastère Xuanmiao a été un acteur important et dynamique dans l'histoire et l'évolution sociale de Nanyang à la fin du xixe siècle.


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