Evangelicals, Whigs and the Election of William Henry Harrison

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Carwardine

Few American presidential elections have engaged the passions of contemporaries or exercised the imaginations of later generations more than the ‘log cabin’ campaign of 1840. By their parades, slogans, symbols and songs party managers deliberately played down questions of public policy likely to divide their ranks, reasoned discussion was overwhelmed by an organized torrent of feeling, and the carefully cultivated images of candidates obscured the reality of their outlooks. Unscrupulous propagandists, especially of the Whig party, undoubtedly manipulated the emotions of the electorate. The excitement carried a massive 80·2 per cent of voters to the polls, a huge increase in turnout over previous presidential elections and a level of participation exceeded in no subsequent campaign. William Henry Harrison was indeed, as Philip Hone put it, ‘sung into the Presidency’Yet style alone did not create the passion. The economic distress consequent upon the Panic of 1837 allowed the Whigs to act as a focus for those who blamed the Democrats for the hard times and who looked for a more vigorous stimulus to capitalist development than Martin Van Buren was likely to provide.

Author(s):  
Jonathon Keats

There’s an apocryphal story, still in circulation, that the word OK was made up by President Andrew Jackson. According to the tale, Jackson used the letters when he was a major general in the War of 1812, marking his approval on papers with initials abbreviating the words oll korrect . “The Gen. was never good at spelling,” the Boston Atlas dryly concluded, recounting the story in August 1840. By that time Old Hickory, as Jackson was known, had served his eight years as president, and his successor, Martin Van Buren, was running for a second term. A native of Kinderhook, New York, Van Buren appealed to the Jacksonian vote with the nickname Old Kinderhook, using the initials O. K. as a political slogan. His Whig Party rivals sought, successfully, to turn his populist appeal into a liability by calling attention to Jackson’s alleged semiliteracy. By a sort of logical doggerel endemic in American politics, Old Kinderhook’s slogan became a symbol of his ignorance. The true origin of OK , as the American lexicographer Allen Walker Read skillfully uncovered in 1963, was much closer to the Atlas’s editorial offices. The letters did stand for oll korrect, but the spelling was no accident. The coinage almost certainly came from the waggish editor of the Boston Morning Post , Charles Gordon Greene, who was at the center of what Read characterizes as “a remarkable vogue of using abbreviations” beginning in the year 1838. The Morning Post was full of them, generally used with a touch of irony, as in the mock dignity of O.F.M. (our first men), or a fit of whimsy, as in the pure zaniness of G.T. (gone to Texas). It was only a matter of months before the fad turned to creative misspelling, a source of humor then as it was in Mark Twain’s time. There was N.C. (nuff said) and N.Y. (no yuse), as well as O.W. (oll wright). The first known appearance of OK followed that pattern.


2021 ◽  
pp. 171-180
Author(s):  
Spencer W. McBride

This chapter follows the events of the contested Democratic nominating convention of 1844 in Baltimore, Maryland. Martin Van Buren entered the convention as the favorite but faced stiff competition from Lewis Cass. After several ballots, a third candidate rose above Van Buren and Cass: James K. Polk. Polk was eventually nominated to run on the Democratic ticket against the Whig candidate, Henry Clay. This chapter also considers the small convention held by supporters of President John Tyler, who had been expelled from the Whig Party two years earlier. Meanwhile, in Nauvoo, the Mormons had a nominating convention of their own and formally nominated Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon to be an independent ticket for the presidency.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Luchenciuc Elena-Georgiana

About 70% of Romanians who need to get their passports renewed wait in a queue instead of scheduling an online scheduling. The truth is that many forget that the time of waiting for hours on end in queues has set, and this aspect should disappear from the conception of many people who have experienced hard times many years ago. At a regular queue, a Romanian stays for at least 2 hours if he has not reached among the first persons, which is not at all beneficial for them, but neither for the employees. The objective of the public policy proposal is to promote online scheduling for passports by: reducing queues on passports, reducing the stress of employees who work directly with the public and maintaining a harmonious connection between people and the website https://epasapoarte.ro.


Author(s):  
Sarah M. Stitzlein

Democracy is struggling in America. Citizens increasingly feel cynical about our system and doubt they can influence public policy. Distrustful of other Americans and elected officials, some are even turning to authoritarian alternatives. Hyperpartisanship and recent contentious presidential elections have deepened political despair. While some citizens get swept up in optimism during campaign cycles, they often later find themselves frustrated with elected leaders as they wait for change. This book seeks to revive democracy by teaching citizens how to hope. Hope animates life in a democracy, moving citizens forward through new challenges, new ideas, and new experiments. The form of hope described in this book is more than just a campaign slogan or a self-help program, it is an informed call to citizen engagement that opens new possibilities for our country. Drawing on examples from life in America today and pragmatist philosophy, this book explains how schools can cultivate hope through our habits and how action in our communities can sustain hope. It shows how we can build trust, grow political agency, and shape an improved American identity through hoping together. This book provides guidance for learning how to hope in schools, universities, and civil society. It describes what hope is, why it matters to democracy, and how to teach it.


Subject The politics of immigration. Significance President Michelle Bachelet’s centre-left administration has announced plans to reform legislation on immigration in a bid to permit a more integrated public-policy approach and better guarantee immigrants’ rights. This follows calls by former President Sebastian Pinera and another possible right-wing contender in the November 2017 presidential election for tighter controls on immigration on the grounds of a relationship with crime. Impacts Immigration from Peru is showing signs of slowing in response to stronger economic growth there. Haitians will pose a new challenge as the first significant immigrant community that is not Spanish-speaking. Immigration is likely to be an important issue in this year’s legislative and presidential elections.


1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-306
Author(s):  
JOSEPH C. BRONARS
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
John G. McNutt ◽  
Goutham M. Menon

These are hard times for social welfare advocates. Globalization, devolution, and a conservative political climate have challenged our traditional approaches to advocacy. New advocacy methods that use technology to change public policy have been developed and provide us with new avenues to address the changed political economy of social welfare. Collectively called cyberactivism, these techniques can be used to advantage by social work advocates. This article looks at recent cyberactivist campaigns, examines barriers to cyberactivism, and suggests actions that social work advocates can take to use these new tools and ideas. We conclude that these techniques have been widely used by social activists to contribute to policy change and have excellent potential as part of the social work advocacy arsenal.


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