scholarly journals “A Man's Story is His Gris-Gris”: Cultural Slavery, Literary Emancipation and Ishmael Reed's Flight to Canada

1993 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Walsh

With the emergence of black nationalism in the late sixties, the delineation of a new black aesthetic became an urgent issue: it was first and most persistently raised by Hoyt Fuller in Negro Digest, and soon became the staple of radical black little magazines across America. In 1971, the appearance of a collection of essays entitled The Black Aesthetic and edited by Addison Gayle brought some coherence to the debate, and sanctified its assumptions. In his own contributions to that book, Gayle recorded the passing of the myth of the American melting pot and the consequent need to repudiate assimilationism. He argued that black nationalism implied the development of a black aesthetic in direct opposition to prevailing aesthetic criteria, in which white cultural concerns were privileged under a guise of “universalism”: this bogus universalism actually depended upon the marginalization of black perspectives and black writers by a white literary establishment. Such observations established the need for a new black aesthetic, and prescriptions for its form proliferated. These blueprints were handed down at a series of conferences at which black writers past and present stood trial against the new criteria. The emergent consensus was for writing that directly recreated the black experience out of which it arose; that found its style in the forms of “black folk expression”; that was socially progressive in effect – according to a very literal concept of functional literature; that addressed itself to the common readership of black people; and that assiduously cultivated positive black characters.

2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yufeng J. Tseng ◽  
Anton J. Hopfinger ◽  
Emilio Xavier Esposito

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Luckett

When Margaret Walker founded the Institute for the Study of the History, Life, and Culture of Black People in 1968, she stood at the forefront of a nascent Black studies movement. At the time, she had served on the faculty at Jackson State College since 1949. In both a racist and a sexist society, she used her scholarship and art as vehicles for activism. Today, the Margaret Walker Center, named for its founder, continues to lift up her legacy as a museum and special collections archive dedicated to Black experience in America.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Stordeur Pryor

Chapter 1 is an etymology of the word nigger. Colored travelers described the word and the ideology it represented as a constantly looming threat. White children chased free people of color down the street shouting the word. White satirists and performers repeated it in literary and theatrical blackface productions that often depicted black caricatures as being dangerous precisely because they freely traversed the nation. In the nominally free states, nigger threatened brutal reprisals and thus shaped the black experience of mobility. This chapter argues that the source of the word’s virulence resided in the fact that African Americans in antebellum America had long used the word nigger to describe themselves and others. Black laborers adopted the word into their own vocabularies to subvert white authority. Whites therefore very much understood the word as part of the black lexicon. In turn, they ventriloquized nigger to mock black speech, black mobility, and, ultimately, black freedom. Considering nigger not solely as a white antiblack epithet but also as a word rooted in African American cultural and protest traditions goes a long way toward solving the perennial American racial conundrum of why black people can say nigger and white people should not.


Author(s):  
Tommie Shelby

The philosophical underpinnings of black nationalism date back to the mid-nineteenth century, prior to the abolition of chattel slavery in the United States. Its key ideas are that black people should possess their own nation-state; that the flourishing of African peoples (including those of African descent in the Western hemisphere) requires racial solidarity and group self-help; that geographical racial separation is necessary for racial harmony; that blacks should cultivate pride in the historic achievements of those of African descent; that the survival of the race depends on militant collective resistance to anti-black racism and white supremacy; that psychic health requires the development and preservation of a distinctive black ethno-cultural identity; and that Africa is the authentic and rightful homeland of those who are racially black, regardless of where they were born or currently reside. In its broadest sense, black nationalism is the view that blacks constitute a distinct people or nation with their own collective aims, and that their wellbeing depends upon their ability to sustain political, economic and cultural solidarity. Central to all versions of black nationalism are the beliefs that the primary source of black oppression is racism, and that overcoming racial domination will require some form of group autonomy and self-reliance, perhaps even a separate black republic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 1457-1494 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jarvis R. Givens

This article analyzes Carter G. Woodson’s iconic Negro History Week and its impact on Black schools during Jim Crow. Negro History Week introduced knowledge on Afro-diasporic history and culture to schools around the country. As a result of teachers’ grassroots organizing, it became a cultural norm in Black schools by the end of the 1930s. This program reflected Woodson’s critique that anti-Black ideas in school knowledge were inextricably linked to the violence Black people experienced in the material world. Thus, he worked to construct a new system of knowledge altogether. Negro History Week engaged students in this counterhegemonic knowledge through performances grounded in Black formalism and an invigorated Black aesthetic, facilitating what I have come to call “embodied learning.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 206-217
Author(s):  
Laurie R. Lambert

In Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, David Austin continues his important work as the leading historian of 1960s black Montreal. Moving Against the System illuminates histories that are critical to an understanding of black radicalism in Canada, the Caribbean, and the African diaspora, more broadly. This work decenters the United States as the nexus of Black Power, allowing readers to think about Canada as an understudied site of black radical organizing. While the congress viewed Black Nationalism as a serious political framework for defeating both racism and colonialism, all the speakers were male. This essay critiques the masculinist politics of Black Power at the congress and analyzes how Austin navigates the absence of women’s voices among the congress’s speakers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (171) ◽  
pp. 288-307
Author(s):  
Priscila Martins Medeiros ◽  
Paulo Alberto dos Santos Vieira

Abstract In this paper, we discuss the historical process involved in the construction of the Brazilian national identity, based on the racialization of the black experience, an element still present in the Brazilian identity formation process. Despite the processes of dehumanization endured by black people, they can and must be portrayed in educational spaces for their resistance and fight in order to escape from the zone of non-being and ontological erasure caused by modernity. The paper is organized in three general topics: a) racism, education and the national question in Brazil; b) the processes of racialization of black subjects; and c) black resistance and black agency as a way to construct new narratives in the field of education.


Refuge ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Bobic

The paper deals with refugees and internally displaced per­sons (IDPs). Considering their numbers, Serbia is the first in Europe and fourteenth on the globe.Their destiny is not only a tragic epilogue to the political dissolution of the for­mer Yugoslavia, but also to the breakdown of the common dream of “Yugoslav” nationality (which was meant to be a “melting pot” of various nations, ethnic groups, and reli­gions). Unfortunately, due to the specific strategy of nation-state building based on ethnic cleansing, refugees were one of the direct objectives of civil wars taking place in the 1990s. At the same time, massive floods of IDPs were insti­gated by the bombing campaign of Kosovo and Metohija conducted by the NATO alliance in 1999. Having come to Serbia, the majority of both refugees and IDPs who are ethnic Serbs have attained all the fea­tures of minority groups. The reasons for their social exclu­sion must be discussed in terms of their exceptionally low social position, high levels of unemployment and poverty, and lack of social inclusion. Moreover, it must be taken into account that contemporary Serbia faced many unresolved political challenges, delayed accession to the EU, secession of Kosovo and Metohija in 2008, hardships in establishing a market economy and liberal democracy since 2000, and economic deprivation, all of which were accompanied by poor social services. Serbian authorities adopted four major action plans targeted at forced migrants. However, the main challenges to their applicability stem from lack of institutional capacities, ineffective implemen­tation of development strategies, and limited resources.


Author(s):  
Sediqeh Hosseiny ◽  
Ensieh Shabanirad

Due to the color of their skins, Blacks were always subject to different types of disrespect and insecurity in their society. Among different groups of people, writers and critics knew it as their responsibility to act as Black people’s voice and talk on behalf of them, as these people were labeled as ‘The Other’ by the Whites. Du Bios created a kind of new trend of dealing with African-American culture by innovating the concept known as “double consciousness”, and arguing that these black people were trapped between dual personalities. As an American writer, Toni Morrison carried this specific burden upon her shoulders to reveal all those oppressions Blacks had to bear in their life, like what she depicted in the novel The Bluest Eyewith portrayal of the main black character Pecolla who is being blamed for the color of her skin. This article intends to elaborate some inherent postcolonial traces in Toni Morrison’s outstanding novel The Bluest Eye and examine how European power and white people were dominating the whole system of the society and what kind of regretful complications Blacks had to endure, and at the same time working on how Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness can be analyzed in black characters.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siddharth Sundararajan

This paper explores the origins of sports fandom and the various factors that impact it. It reports results from an experiment which measures support of two NBA teams based in New York City.  Interviews of random samples were collected, totalling 234 entries, with key demographic features collected from each interviewee. The analysis reveals that there are differences in fandom with respect to certain demographic features, especially race, age, and location. It shows that Black people are more than 3.5 times as likely to support the Nets over the Knicks, and that young people are 2 times as likely to support the Nets. The further way from New York a person was born, the less likely they are to support the Nets. People living in Manhattan are less likely to support the Nets. Overall, the data highlights how personal choices can be influenced by factors you can’t control, and the results expose a divide within the melting pot in the City of Dreams.


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