scholarly journals “An Octoroon in the Kindling”: American Vernacular & Blackface Minstrelsy in 1930s Hollywood

1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER STANFIELD
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Class Division ◽  
American Films ◽  
Racial Slur ◽  
Blackface Minstrelsy ◽  
Popular Arts ◽  
American Vernacular ◽  
The Republic

For close on to a hundred years discourses on national identity, European ethnic assimilation and the problem of class division within the Republic had been principally addressed in the popular arts through the agency of the black mask. During the 1930s, blackface in American films shifted from the idea implied in the racial slur, “nigger in the woodpile,” to the rather less visible, but no less derogatory, “octoroon in the kindling,” a phrase used in Her Man (Pathé, Tay Garnett, 1930) to suggest something is amiss, but which is used here to suggest the cultural miscegenation that informs much of the material discussed in this article.

Narratives of Irishness and the Problem of Abortion: The X Case 1992

1998 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Smyth
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Rape Victim ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
Abortion Politics ◽  
The Republic

This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.

‘Irishness’, the 1937 Constitution, and Citizenship: A Gender and Ethnicity View

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronit Lentin
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Feminist Studies ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
Limited Access ◽  
Central Factor ◽  
Irish Women ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
The Republic ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Definition Of

This paper argues that ‘Irishness’ has not been sufficiently problematised in relation to gender and ethnicity in discussions of Irish national identity, nor has the term ‘Irish women’ been ethnically problematised. Sociological and feminist analyses of the access by women to citizenship of the Republic of Ireland have been similarly unproblematised. This paper interrogates some discourses of Irish national identity, including the 1937 Constitution, in which difference is constructed in religious, not ethnic terms, and in which women are constructed as ‘naturally’ domestic. Ireland's bourgeois nationalism privileged property owning and denigrated nomadism, thus excluding Irish Travellers from definitions of ‘Irishness’. The paper then seeks to problematise T.H. Marshall's definition of citizenship as ‘membership in a community’ from a gender and ethnicity viewpoint and argues that sociological and feminist studies of the gendered nature of citizenship in Ireland do not address access to citizenship by Traveller and other racialized women which this paper examines in brief. It does so in the context of the intersection between racism and nationalism, and argues that the racism implied in the narrow definition of ‘Irishness’ is a central factor in the limited access by minority Irish women to aspects of citizenship. It also argues that racism not only interfaces with other forms of exclusion such as class and gender, but also broadens our understanding of the very nature of Irish national identity.

scholarly journals National identity of secondary school students in the Republic of Serbia

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 1018-1054
Author(s):  
Dušan Ranđelović ◽  
Jelena Minić ◽  
Kristina Ranđelović
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
Secondary School Students ◽  
Self Esteem ◽  
Individual Characteristic ◽  
Place Of Residence ◽  
School Students ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Achievement Motive ◽  
The Republic

This paper was aimed at examining the structure and expression of national identity among secondary school students (N=568) in different towns in Serbia, its relation to self-esteem and achievement motive, as well as the differences regarding socio-demographic characteristics (sex and place of residence). The instruments used are the Scale of National Identity NAIT, the Global Self-Esteem Scale, and the Scale to Measure Achievement Motive MOP2002. The results have shown that the values of national identity are above the theoretical average and significantly higher than the values recorded among the adolescents in an earlier study. Among general characteristics of their own nation, secondary school students value culture more than history, character traits and state institutions (lowest-ranked in comparison to all other characteristics), finding that courage is the most pronounced individual characteristic, while the least pronounced one is hypocrisy. A positive correlation of national identity with self-esteem and achievement motive was obtained, whereas achievement motive is also a significant national identity predictor. Significant differences were found in the expression of national identity among secondary school students in relation to their place of residence (secondary school students from Belgrade have a higher level of national identity in comparison to their peers from Niš and Kosovska Mitrovica).

Laïcité, Republic and Nation in Post-Colonial France

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-148
Author(s):  
ROBERT GILDEA
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
French People ◽  
Liberty Of Conscience ◽  
The Republic ◽  
French National Identity ◽  
Selection Of

The question of ‘secularity’ (laïcité) has risen sharply up the French political agenda over the last twenty-five years. Ways in which it is defined and applied are hotly contested and lie at the nerve centre of wide debates about the nature of the Republic, French national identity and indeed of France's colonial past. According to an IFOP opinion poll in November 2015, 87 per cent of French people agreed that was important to respect laïcité at school, 84 per cent of respondents said that it was part of France's identity while 81 per cent thought that it was under threat in France. That said, they did not agree on what laïcité meant. For 32 per cent it meant separating religion from politics, for 27 per cent it meant ensuring liberty of conscience, while 17 per cent said it meant reducing the influence of religion in society. Historians, sociologists and political scientists as well as journalists and activists join battle on the question, and a selection of their recent contributions, from different angles and with different methodologies, are reviewed here.

Liberators for Colonial Anáhuac: A Rumination on North American Civil Religions

1999 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randi Jones Walker
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
North American ◽  
Civil Religion ◽  
American People ◽  
Divine Providence ◽  
George Washington ◽  
Special Instrument ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Working Out

Behold here the motives of that mysterious likeness which give merit to a comparison with Jesus in the work the Supreme Author confided to [Hidalgo]: to save the American people, the continent of Anáhuac!So spoke Padre Antonio Jose Martinez in 1832 in praise of Miguel Hidalgo on the tenth anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Mexico. That same year, Francis Gray extolled George Washington, the hero of another independence movement. Washington was the “Special instrument of divine providence for working out our political salvation, the cloud by day and pillar of fire by night which led us out of bondage.” Two new North American nations attempted to create a national identity and a useable mythology, side by side, if independent of each other. In this essay, I present a North American view of what could loosely be called civil religion.

scholarly journals Neglect of Cyrillic and its continued survival

Bastina ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
Marko Milović
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Applicable Law ◽  
Future State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Latin Letter

Ultimately, this article should not be taken as an appeal against a Latin letter, nor should the author's intention to ban or restrict the use of this letter. The main goal is that the Latin letter in the areas where the Serbian people live cannot be primary, but should be used only as required by the Serbian Constitution, as well as the still applicable Law on the Official Use of Languages and Letters in the Republic of Serbia. Giving up your own letter (Cyrillic) is a sign of the lack of awareness of the need to nurture its own cultural values, preserve national identity and its characteristics. It also points to a lower-value complex and a misconception that moving away from ourselves will bring us closer to others. One should also remember the words of our writer Laze M. Kostić that "with the emergence of Cyrillic, Serbs were culturally created, with its renunciation they would culturally disappear. They would cease to exist as an independent nation, an independent cultural individuality". Neither will the laws of Cyrillic or not sufficiently and desirably, unless we just change our awareness of it. Only in this way can we correct the mistakes of the not-so-distant past (from the second half of the 20th century), and learn the not to give up Cyrillic for any purposes, ideals, possibly future state unions and the aforementioned brotherhood and unity.

scholarly journals 'Religion and Nation are One': Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Goalwin
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Civic Rhetoric ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
Turkish Nationalism ◽  
Identity Complexity ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Social Identity Complexity ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire

* Final published version available at: https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6 * Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.

scholarly journals SERBIAN DIASPORABETWEEN DISSOLUTION AND UNITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
MIODRAG ĆUJIĆ
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Full Potential ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Cultural Component ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Essential Problem ◽  
Statistical Indicators

Cooperation between the Serbian diaspora and the Republic of Serbia is not expressed in full potential, because it is limited to a one-sided financial and partly cultural concept. In order for the Serbian diaspora to reach its full potential, it is necessary to expand the existing concepts. Contemporary problems in expression national identity require a more serious approach, because if only one member of the community is neglected, especially if he is in the diaspora, in the near future the consequences will be such that in addition to weakening awareness of belonging, the end result will be loss of national identity. This outcome can be prevented if the criteria of the current relationship between the Republic of Serbia and its citizens in the diaspora are redefined. Accent it is necessary to set on: (1) better and more comprehensive elements of statistical indicators of migration of domestic citizens; (2) a different approach to the economic draft budget of the Republic of Serbia, which would go beyond the current framework, short-term assistance from the diaspora in the form of remittances; 3) the issue of security of citizens of the Republic of Serbia is completely left to the states in which they currently exist, which is insufficient; (4) the cultural component is represented, but unfortunately through unilateral efforts mainly by the diaspora, while the home country is largely reserved. The essential problem is in the cooperation of these two sides of one state. If this cooperation remains at the level it is at now, the question is whether the sec-ond generation in the diaspora will have any empathy towards the country of their origin.

scholarly journals National identity in the textbooks of English as a foreign language

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Danijela Vasilijević ◽  
Marina Semiz ◽  
Branka Adžić
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Foreign Language ◽  
Primary School ◽  
English Language ◽  
General Information ◽  
Additional Information ◽  
Units Of Analysis ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Republic

Starting from the argument that foreign language teaching represents a suitable context for introducing national symbols of different countries, but also the learners' own country, the role of textbooks of English as a foreign language in development and empowering the national identity of students in lower primary school was examined. With regards to different conceptualisations the national identity was operationalised in 11 categories: religion, customs and tradition, national feelings, language, symbols and features, solidarity and togetherness, cultural heritage, important people, geography terms, family and general information. The research was performed through the method of theoretic analysis and the method of content analysis. The units of analysis are: a) sentences of basic text in textbooks, b) sentences of additional information content, and c) image content. The research included English language textbooks for lower primary school licensed in the Republic of Serbia (N=12). Research results indicated that textbooks generally do not contribute to forming and empowering of national identity of students in lower primary school, especially with regards to categories: national feelings, historic subjects, language, family, solidarity, and togetherness.

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