Economic Crisis and Political Response: The Political Economy of the Shipping Act of 1916

1999 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-884 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Sicotte
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Shipping Company ◽  
Political Response ◽  
Party Loyalty ◽  
Crisis Situations

Governments often respond to crisis situations with radical economic policies. The Shipping Act of 1916 created a government-owned shipping company. This significant departure from prior policy arose in the atmosphere of crisis surrounding the war in Europe. The Wilson Administration was able to use political institutions to its advantage and ensure that alternative, more moderate proposals would not be considered by the legislature. Initially thwarted by a filibuster, the administration was forced to compromise in order to maintain party loyalty and pass the bill in 1916.

Argentina: Economic Disaster and the Rejection of the Political Class

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 175-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marita Carballo ◽  
Frederick Turner
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Income Distribution ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Constraints

AbstractThe Argentine economic crisis of 1999-2003 caused GDP to drop precipitously and levels of poverty and unemployment to rise greatly. Although more profound, this crisis resembled three others since 1966, and it led Argentines overwhelmingly to reject the members of their political class. In 1999, the confidence of Argentine citizens in politicians and political institutions was already very low, reflecting in part the earlier crises and the fact that income distribution in the country had become far more unequal in the 1990s. Causes for the economic crisis include economic policies, political constraints, and the structure of Argentine society and values. Although some economic growth has returned under the presidency of Néstor Kirchner since 2003, the depth of the rejection of the political class is so great that it may lead to some change in Argentine values.

The Political Economy of Famine: The Ukrainian Famine of 1933

2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-197
Author(s):  
Natalya Naumenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Excess Deaths

The 1933 Ukrainian famine killed as many as 2.6 million people out of a population of 32 million. Historians offer three main explanations: weather, economic policies, genocide. This paper documents that (1) available data do not support weather as the main explanation: 1931 and 1932 weather predicts harvest roughly equal to the 1924–1929 average; weather explains up to 8.1 percent of excess deaths. (2) Policies (collectivization of agriculture and the lack of favored industries) significantly increased famine mortality; collectivization explains up to 52 percent of excess deaths. (3) There is some evidence that ethnic Ukrainians and Germans were discriminated against.

scholarly journals The political economy of agri-environmental measures: An empirical assessment at the eu regional level

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Bertoni ◽  
Alessandro Olper
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Econometric Model ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Externalities ◽  
Economic Determinants ◽  
Positive Externalities ◽  
Environmental Measures ◽  
The Eu

The paper deals with the political and economic determinants of EU agri-environmental measures (AEMs) applied by 59 regional/country units, during the 2001-2004 period. Five different groups of determinants, spanning from positive and negative externalities, to political institutions, are highlighted and tested using an econometric model. Main results show that AEMs implementation is mostly affected by the strength of the farm lobby, and the demand for positive externalities. At the same time it emerges a prominent role played by political institutions. On the contrary, AEMs do not seem implemented by the willingness to address negative externalities.

4. The Domestic Sources of Foreign Economic Policies

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-108
Author(s):  
Michael J. Hiscox
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rates ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Competing Demands ◽  
Domestic Sources ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the domestic sources of foreign economic policies. Different people in every society typically have different views about what their government should do when it comes to setting the policies that regulate international trade, immigration, investment, and exchange rates. These competing demands must be reconciled in some way by the political institutions that govern policy making. To really understand the domestic origins of foreign economic policies, we need to perform two critical tasks: identify or map the policy preferences of different groups in the domestic economy; and specify how political institutions determine the way these preferences are aggregated or converted into actual government decisions. The first task requires some economic analysis, while the second requires some political analysis. These two analytical steps put together like this, combining both economic and political analysis in tandem, are generally referred to as the political economy approach to the study of policy outcomes. The chapter then considers the impact of domestic politics on bargaining over economic issues between governments at the international level.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Redistribution Policy

2019 ◽  
pp. 519-541
Author(s):  
Luna Bellani ◽  
Heinrich Ursprung
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Choice ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
The Public ◽  
Generic Models ◽  
Redistribution Policy ◽  
Choice Analysis ◽  
Beliefs And Attitudes

The authors review the literature on the public-choice analysis of redistribution policies. They restrict the discussion to redistribution in democracies and focus on policies that are pursued with the sole objective of redistributing initial endowments. Since generic models of redistribution in democracies lack equilibria, one needs to introduce structure-inducing rules to arrive at a models whose behavior realistically portrays observed redistribution patterns. These rules may relate to the economic relationships, political institutions, or to firmly established preferences, beliefs, and attitudes of voters. The chapter surveys the respective lines of argument in turn and then present the related empirical evidence.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of the European Economic and Monetary Union: Political Sources of an Economic Liability

1997 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Feldstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Economic And Monetary Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Structural Unemployment ◽  
Political Union ◽  
Political Sources ◽  
Trade And Investment

EMU would be an economic liability. A single currency would cause, at most, small trade and investment gains but would raise average cyclical unemployment and possibly raise inflation, perpetuate structural unemployment, and increase the risk of protectionism. EMU is nevertheless being pursued in order to create a political union. Fundamental disagreements among member states about economic policies, foreign and military policies, and the sharing of political power are likely to create future intra-European conflicts. A United Europe would be a formidable participant in the twenty-first century's global balance of power, with uncertain consequences for world stability and peace.

The Political Economy of Commercial Associations: Building the National Board of Trade, 1840–1868

2014 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-783
Author(s):  
Cory Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Commercial Activity ◽  
National Board ◽  
Competition And Cooperation ◽  
National Economic ◽  
Political Economies ◽  
Commercial Organizations

This article argues that, in the mid-nineteenth century, the American merchant community created local commercial organizations to propagate a vision of economic development based on republican ideals. As part of a “business revolution,” these organizations attempted to balance competition and cooperation in order to promote and direct the expansion of national markets and commercial activity throughout the country. Faced with the crisis of divergent sectional political economies and committed to the belief that businessmen needed a stronger political voice, merchant groups banded together to form the National Board of Trade, an association devoted to creating a unified commercial interest and shaping national economic policies.

scholarly journals Marx is Back, But Which One? On Knowledge Labour and Media Practice

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 570-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Mosco
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Communication Theory ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Attention ◽  
Structure And Dynamics ◽  
General Answer ◽  
The Many ◽  
Do So

The global economic crisis has led to a resurgence of interest in the work of Karl Marx. This paper acknowledges this interest, but asks on which of the many shades of Marx, communication scholars should be focusing their research attention. The most general answer is all of Marx, from the early work on consciousness, ideology and culture, which has informed critical cultural studies through to the later work on the structure and dynamics of capitalism that provides bedrock for the political economy of communication. But there is particular need for communication scholars to pay more attention to work that does not fit so neatly in either of these foci, namely, Marx of the Grundrisse and Marx, the professional journalist. Communication scholars need to do so because we have paid insufficient attention to labour in the communication, cultural and knowledge industries. The Marx of these two streams of work provides important guidance for what I have called the labouring of communication as well as for addressing general problems in communication theory.

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