Pancho Villa and the Multinationals: United States Mining Interests in Villista Mexico, 1913–1915

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
William K. Meyers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Military Leader ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Northern Mexico ◽  
Popular Movement ◽  
Mexican Politics

Pancho Villa is an intriguing figure of the Mexican Revolution. His popular movement dominated northern Mexico from 1913 to 1915, greatly influencing the revolution's course and the character of modern Mexican politics. As a revolutionary, Villa remains immortalised as a bold and charismatic military leader who rose from poverty to attack the wealthy and powerful while championing peasants' and workers' rights. He also stands as a prominent symbol of national pride, a leader who fought against foreign domination and dared to attack the United States directly. But how ‘revolutionary’ were Villa and the Villista movement? What did they actually accomplish? If Francisco Madero stands for political rights and democracy, Emiliano Zapata for land reform, and Venustiano Carranza for nationalism and the 1917 Constitution, whatdoes Villa represent?

Borders, Trade, and Politics: Exchange between the United States and Mexican Cattle Industries, 1870–1947

2012 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria-Aparecida Lopes ◽  
Paolo Riguzzi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Foot And Mouth Disease ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mouth Disease ◽  
Northern Mexico ◽  
Political Border ◽  
Restrictive Measures

Abstract This article analyzes the livestock exchange between the United States and Mexico, beginning with the initial surge in regular trade in the 1870s until its interruption caused by the outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease in 1947. Since the final two decades of the nineteenth century, cattle raising in both countries became increasingly intertwined through commerce. Though this trade was clearly international, as it entailed crossing a political border between nations, we argue that it was also an interregional commerce between contiguous, similar exporting bases, those of the southwestern United States and northern Mexico. However, the weight of politics and the legal border never ceased to make their presence felt and, indeed, were intensely manifested in the sphere of exchange. This particular branch of commerce was subject not only to numerous and repeated restrictive measures both related and unrelated to tariffs, but also to extraordinary political circumstances like the Mexican Revolution and the two World Wars. Our purpose is to reconstruct the interactions among resource endowments, commerce regulations, and supply and demand, as well as the actors and institutions that shaped the conditions of the transborder exchange. Such conditions allowed for continuity in livestock trading amid changing circumstances.

“The Greatest Nation on Earth”

2017 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah K.M. Rodriguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Manifest Destiny ◽  
The United States ◽  
Northern Mexico ◽  
Texas Revolution

Between 1820 and 1827 approximately 1,800 U.S. citizens immigrated to northern Mexico as part of that country’s empresario program, in which the federal government granted foreigners land if they promised to develop and secure the region. Historians have long argued that these settlers, traditionally seen as the vanguard of Manifest Destiny, were attracted to Mexico for its cheap land and rich natural resources. Such interpretations have lent a tone of inevitability to events like the Texas Revolution. This article argues that the early members of these groups were attracted to Mexico for chiefly political reasons. At a time when the United States appeared to be turning away from its commitment to a weak federal government, Mexico was establishing itself on a constitution that insured local sovereignty and autonomy. Thus, the Texas Revolution was far from the result of two irreconcilable peoples and cultures. Moreover, the role that these settlers played in the United States’ acquisition of not just Texas, but ultimately half of Mexico’s national territory, was more paradoxical than inevitable.

The Politics of US Latino Literature and American Realism

2019 ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
Ramón J. Guerra
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Latino Literature ◽  
The Common ◽  
Racial Ethnic

This chapter examines the development of Latino literature in the United States during the time when realism emerged as a dominant aesthetic representation. Beginning with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and including the migrations resulting from the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Mexican Revolution (1910), Latinos in the United States began to realistically craft an identity served by a sense of displacement. Latinos living in the United States as a result of migration or exile were concerned with similar issues, including but not limited to their predominant status as working-class, loss of homeland and culture, social justice, and racial/ethnic profiling or discrimination. The literature produced during the latter part of the nineteenth century by some Latinos began to merge the influence of romantic style with a more socially conscious manner to reproduce the lives of ordinary men and women, draw out the specifics of their existence, characterize their dialects, and connect larger issues to the concerns of the common man, among other realist techniques.

Remarks by Bert Lockwood

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 82-86
Author(s):  
Bert Lockwood ◽  
Beatrice Brickell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Justice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Southern Rhodesia

I would like to address myself to international outlaws and what domestic procedures are available to arrest their activities. While at first glance the nexus between domestic justice and international justice may seem tenuous, I wonder: Is it surprising that the same administration that is so insensate over the deprivation of the human rights of blacks in Southern Rhodesia is the same administration that proclaimed early in its tenure that if you have seen one slum you have pretty much seen them all, and hasn’t visited another since? Is it surprising that the same administration that evidences so little concern over the political rights of the majority in Rhodesia is the same administration that “bugs” and sabotages the political process within the United States?

Molecular characterization ofNeoechinorhynchus cylindratusVan Cleave, 1913 (Acanthocephala: Neoechinorhynchidae), a parasite of the largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) in northern Mexico

2018 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. García-Varela ◽  
C.D. Pinacho-Pinacho
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Largemouth Bass ◽  
Nuclear Dna ◽  
Micropterus Salmoides ◽  
Large Subunit ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Transcribed Spacers ◽  
Molecular Characteristics ◽  
Ecological Data ◽  
Northern Mexico

AbstractMembers of the genusNeoechinorhynchusStiles & Hassall, 1905 are endoparasites of freshwater fishes, brackish water fishes, and freshwater turtles distributed worldwide. In North America, 33 species have been described. One of the most widely distributed species in the eastern United States and Canada isNeoechinorhynchus (Neoechinorhynchus) cylindratus,a common acanthocephalan that infects centrarchid fishes. In the current study, adult specimens ofN. (N) cylindratuswere collected from largemouth bass (Micropterus salmoides) from the Purificación River in northern Mexico. In the same freshwater system, two additional congeneric species (Neoechinorhynchus (Neoechinorhynchus) emyditoidesandNeoechinorhynchus (Neoechinorhynchus) panucensis) were collected and analysed. Sequences of the large subunit, internal transcribed spacers ITS1 and ITS2, 5.8S from nuclear DNA, and sequences of the cytochromecoxidase subunit I (cox1) from mitochondrial DNA were generated and aligned with other sequences obtained from GenBank. Maximum likelihood and Bayesian inference analyses inferred for each dataset showed thatN. (N) panucensis,N. (N) emyditoidesandN. (N) cylindratuswere nested within several clades, indicating that these species do not share a common ancestor. Our phylogenies also revealed that the genusNeoechinorhynchusis paraphyletic, requiring further taxonomic revision using phylogenetic systematics and re-examination of morphological and ecological data. The presence of severalN. (N) cylindratusadults in northern Mexico allowed us to typify this species for the first time using a combination of morphological and molecular characteristics. The current record shows a wide distribution range ofN. (N) cylindratusacross Canada, the United States and Mexico in the Nearctic region.

Liberalism since the Cold War: an enemy to itself?

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFFREY HAWTHORN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Markets ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Regional Development Banks

Many expected that after the Cold War, there would be peace, order, increasing prosperity in expanding markets and the extension and eventual consolidation of civil and political rights. There would be a new world order, and it would in these ways be liberal. In international politics, the United States would be supreme. It would through security treaties command the peace in western Europe and east Asia; through its economic power command it in eastern Europe and Russia; through clients and its own domination command it in the Middle East; through tacit understanding command it in Latin America; and, in so far as any state could, command it in Africa also. It could choose whether to cooperate in the United Nations, and if it did not wish to do so, be confident that it would not be disablingly opposed by illiberal states. In the international markets, it would be able to maintain holdings of its bonds. In the international financial institutions, it would continue to be decisive in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank; it would be an important influence in the regional development banks; and it would be powerful in what it was to insist in 1994 should be called the World (rather than Multinational) Trade Organisation. Other transactions in the markets, it is true, would be beyond the control of any state. But they would not be likely to conflict with the interests of the United States (and western Europe) in finance, investment and trade, and would discipline other governments.

Democracy Promotion through Progressive Imperialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Tony Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Panama Canal ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The World

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's efforts, first as an academic, later as president of the United States, to promote democracy through “progressive imperialism.” A first step for Wilson was to embrace America's democratizing mission in the Philippines. Later, he would continue in this fashion after he became president and faced the challenge of providing stability in the Western Hemisphere during the Mexican Revolution and with the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914—the same year that war broke out in Europe. Wilson's driving concern now became focused: how to provide for a stable peace based on freedom. His answer: through protecting, indeed if possible expanding, democratic government the world around as the best way to end violence among states and provide freedom to peoples.

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