Bernd Heine & Tania Kuteva, Language contact and grammatical change (Cambridge Approaches to Language Contact). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xvii+308.

2006 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 721-726 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADRIENNE BRUYN
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-213
Author(s):  
Lin Huayong ◽  
Wu Xueyu ◽  
Liu Zhiling

The theory of contact-induced grammaticalization has been proposed to examine language contact and grammatical change, and was introduced into Chinese linguistic circles over 10 years ago. It contributes to a series of developments and breakthroughs in the domain of contact between Chinese and other languages as well as contact among Chinese dialects. Recent approaches to Chinese linguistics combine the theory with Semantic Map Model. In this paper, we focus on the Chinese linguistic studies benefitting from the theory and discuss a group of regional grammatical features which have provided the linguistic basis for cultural regionalization in Guangdong Province.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva-Maria Rößler

This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Jügel

Historical linguistic sources of Kurdish date back just a few hundred years, thus it is not possible to track the profound grammatical changes of Western Iranian languages in Kurdish. Through a comparison with attested languages of the Middle Iranian period, this paper provides a hypothetical chronology of grammatical changes. It allows us to tentatively localise the approximate time when modern varieties separated with regard to the respective grammatical change. In order to represent the types of linguistic relationship involved, distinct models of language contact and language continua are set up. Li ser tarîxa zimannasî ya zimanê kurdîÇavkaniyên tarîxî yên zimanê kurdî bes bi qasî çend sedsalan kevn in, lewma em nikarin di zimanê kurdî de wan guherînên bingehî yên rêzimana zimanên îranî yên rojavayî destnîşan bikin. Ev meqale kronolojiyeke ferazî ya guherînên rêzimanî yên kurdiyê dabîn dike bi rêya muqayesekirina bi wan zimanên xwedan-belge yên serdema îraniya navîn. Bi vî rengî, em dikarin bi awayekî muweqet dem û serdemeke teqrîbî diyar bikin ku tê de ziman û şêwezarên nû ji aliyê guherînên rêzimanî ve jêk cuda bûne. Ji bo berçavkirina awayên têkiliya zimanî di navbera zimanan de, modêlên cihê yên temasa zimanî û dirêjeya zimanî hatine danîn. ١. سەبارەت بە مێژووی زمانناسیی زمانی کوردی سەرچاوە مێژووە زمانناسییەکانی زمانی کوردی تەنیا بۆ چەند سەدە پێش ئێستا دەگەڕێنەوە، بۆیە ناکرێت شوێن پێی گۆڕانکارییە پڕمانا ڕێزمانییەکانی زمانەکانی ڕۆژئاوای ئێران لەناو زمانی کوردیدا هەڵگرین. ئەم وتارە، لە ڕێگەی بەراوردکردنی زمانی کوردی لەگەڵ زمانەکانی قۆناغی ئێرانی ناوەندی کە بەڵگەمەندن، کرۆنۆلۆجیایەکی گریمانەیی لە گۆڕانکارییە ڕێزمانییەکان بەدەستەوە دەدات. ئەم ڕێکارە ڕێگەمان پێ دەدات، کە بەشێوەیەکی تاقیکاری، کاتێک نزیک بەو سەردەمە دەستنیشان بکەین کە جۆراوجۆرییە نوێکان بەگوێرەی گۆڕانی ڕێزمانیی پەیوەندیدار لە یەک جیا دەبنەوە. بۆ پیشاندانی جۆرەکانی پەیوەندی زمانناسی کە لێرەدا خۆیان دەردەخەن، چەند مۆدێلی جیاواز لە بەرکەوتنی زمانی و درێژەدانی زمانی ئامادە کراوە.


Author(s):  
Sam Wolfe ◽  
Martin Maiden

The introduction to the volume lays out its conceptual, theoretical and empirical background. It highlights how grammatical change has been a major area of interest within French linguistics, but that standard French is too often the exclusive empirical focus, while insights from comparative Gallo-Romance data tend to be lacking. Sociolinguistic theory has traditionally formed a modest part of linguistic research on both historical and contemporary French, but the introduction highlights a renewed interest in variationist sociolinguistics, issues of language contact, and the status of minority languages with France. The introduction concludes with an overview of Smith’s contribution to linguistics and summaries of the chapters that together form the volume.


Diachronica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Lucas

Language contact plays a key part among the factors leading to change in grammars, and yet the study of syntactic change, especially in the generative or innatist tradition, has tended to neglect the role of contact in this process. At the same time, work on contact-induced change remains largely descriptive, with theoretical discussion restricted mostly to the putative limits on borrowing. This article aims at moving beyond these restrictions by outlining a psycholinguistically-based account of some of the ways in which contact leads to change. This account takes Van Coetsem’s (1988, 2000) distinction between recipient-language and source-language agentivity as its starting point, building on this insight in the light of work on language acquisition and first language attrition, and showing how these principles can be integrated into a unified acquisitionist model of syntactic change in general. The model is then applied to case studies of contact-induced syntactic change in Yiddish and Berber.


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