Constructing a China Metaphor: Sukarno's Perception of the PRC and Indonesia's Political Transformation

1997 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Liu

Throughout Sukarno's long and colourful political career, China constituted one of the central objects in his construction of the outside world. What did the PRC stand for in his intellectual and political imagination? How relevant was Sukarno's China perception to the evolution of his own socio-political thought? This paper suggests that Sukarno's favourable view of the PRC reflected more of his predispositions about Indonesia than it did Chinese realities. China as seen through Sukarno's eyes became the point of reference for both intellectual judgement and political thinking. Furthermore, Sukarno employed his perception of China as a cultural metaphor, social symbol, and political model in his drive to establish and consolidate the Guided Democracy regime.

2019 ◽  

The statesman Otto von Bismarck epitomised political thinking and practical politics in equal measure. Germany’s most significant political leader in the nineteenth century, he was profoundly influenced by the principal political currents of the period, but he also left his mark on them in the course of a political career that lasted some five decades. In this volume of essays, twelve leading experts examine the interaction between Bismarck’s political thought and his political practice and the later reception of this process. This book is aimed at readers interested in history and political ideas. With contributions by Michael Epkenhans, Andreas Fahrmeir, Ewald Frie, Lothar Höbelt, Hans-Christof Kraus, Ulrich Lappenküper, Ulf Morgenstern, Christoph Nonn, Christoph Nübel, Martin Otto, T. G. Otte and Johannes Willms


Apeiron ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 405-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Maximilian Robitzsch

Abstract This paper deals with Heraclitus’ political thought. First, in discussing the conception of cosmic justice, it argues that it is a mistake to separate Heraclitus’ political thought from his cosmological thought. Second, the paper works out two basic principles of Heraclitean political thinking by offering a close analysis of fragment B 114 as well as related texts. According to Heraclitus, (1) there is a standard common and relevant to all human beings in the political realm, namely, the logos, and (2) ruling well is a matter of grasping the logos and using it as a guide in all things political. Finally, the paper tackles the notoriously difficult question of whether there are certain forms of political order towards which Heraclitean thought is more or less inclined. According to what may be called the traditional view, Heraclitus is seen as a supporter of an aristocratic political order, while according to what may be called the revisionist view, Heraclitus is classified as a supporter of a democratic political order. The paper concludes that while Heraclitean philosophy is compatible with a plethora of different forms of political order, including democratic ones, the two basic principles of Heraclitean politics that were distinguished above are more conducive to aristocratic forms of political order.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Gray

This chapter discusses methods and problems in reconstructing an inclusive, dynamic picture of the political thought and debates of the Hellenistic cities (c. 323– 31 BC), drawing on theories and models from modern political and social theory. It shows the benefits of integrating together the widest range of possible evidence, from Hellenistic philosophy to the most everyday inscriptions, in order to reconstruct for the Hellenistic world the kind of complex, wide-ranging picture of political thought advocated by P. Rosanvallon and others in the study of modern political thinking. When studied in this way, the political thinking and rhetoric of Hellenistic philosophers, intellectuals and citizens reveal attempts to reconcile the Greek polis with ideals of cosmopolitanism and social inclusion, without diluting political vitality. As evidence for this political vitality, the paper demonstrates is the fruitful interlocking and mutual counterbalancing within the Hellenistic public sphere of the three types of political discourse studied in turn in Ober’s trilogy on Classical Athens: political lobbying and negotiation, including rival attempts to shape civic values; philosophical and critical reflection about the foundations of politics; and rationalistic consideration of efficiency, especially the devising and advertisement of incentives.


Author(s):  
Laurent Dubreuil

Utopias are the places of no place. During the European Renaissance, part of the fragmentation of the collective that marked the Middles Ages disappeared in favour of concentric governance. This moment enabled the success of the word ‘utopia’, put forward by Thomas More. The place that doesn’t exist at all, by the simple fact of its appellation, asserted itself as a point of reference in political thought. More did not invent the project of describing a different world, but the fate of his book propagated its malleable image, as well as the long shadow that went along with it. The Utopia event, which surpassed the treatise as such, is far from unitary, and I will only sketch out a few points: Utopia is not of this world; it represents a tearing away from contemporary politics, under the guise of its differences; it comes to fill in for a relative loss of marginal spaces; it thus takes a place left empty while also emptying out places; it represents the perfection of politics, which is no longer politics as usual; in this way, it is paradigmatic of all possible reform.


1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann P. Sommerville

Orthodoxy maintains that English political thinking before Hobbes was based upon an unphilosophical, precedent-bound reading of history. According to J. G. A. Pocock, Sir Edward Coke typically held that English customary law was pre-historical and that the continuity of English traditions had never been broken by conquest. Conquerors possessed sovereign power; in England there had been no conqueror; so there was no supra-legal sovereign. English liberty was deducible from history. Pocock's thesis is inadequate since Coke and many others admitted that there had been a conquest. Their claims rested not upon English history but upon theoretical premises characteristic of Continental thought. Coke's concept of custom was itself theory-laden. Rival theories were largely indifferent to the question of the Norman Conquest, a non-issue in political debate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-57
Author(s):  
Yuriy S. Nikiforov

The article examines the trends in the ideological and political transformation of Soviet society and the economy in the late USSR against the backdrop of the historical challenges of the 1950-80s. The article raises the question of key areas and participants in ideological and political changes. The spectrum of opinions is analysed, reflecting both the official (authoritative) and expert (scientific) discourse of the problem. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is connected with the ideas of Mikhail Beznin and Tat’yana Dimoni on proto-bourgeoisie, the formation of state capitalism in the USSR of the 1950-80s. An important theoretical role is played by the thesis of the researcher Grigoriy Popov about a hidden conflict of two types of power (experts and political functionaries) in the USSR. The source base of the study is presented both by key official documents of the Soviet era (the Constitution of the USSR of 1977, materials of the extraordinary 21st Congress of the Communist Party), and texts of representatives of socio-political thought of the 1950-2000s. The article makes a scientific hypothesis that in the official rhetoric of Soviet power in the 1950s and 1980s related to the socio-economic sphere, a latent transformation of values was observed – from traditional communist ideals to the primacy of material interests. According to the author, the leading place among expert scholars critical of the Soviet economy was occupied by liberal ideology, which significantly affected the subjectivity of the content of their books.


MUTAWATIR ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Yusuf Hanafi

Muhammad b. ‘Alî Muhammad b. ‘Abd Allâh al-Shawkânî al-San‘ânî. He was born in the Hijrah in Shawkân village, Yemen on Monday 28 Dhû al-Qa‘dah 1172 H and died on Tuesday, 27 Jumâd al-Akhîr 1250 H at the age about 78 years. Al-Shawkânî grew up in the San‘a city, it is the capital of the republic of Yemen now. He study first time about religion from his father, then from renowed scholars in San‘a and its surrounding, he was known as a scolar who mastered the various branches of religious sciences. Such as <em>tafsîr</em>, <em>h</em><em>}adîth</em>, <em>fiqh</em>, <em>us</em><em>}ûl al-fiqh</em>, history, science of <em>kalâm</em>, philosophy, <em>balâghah</em>, <em>mant</em>}<em>iq</em> etc. the main issue in this article is how political thought in the book of tafsir <em>Fath</em><em> al-Qadîr</em> is the work of Shawkânî. At the end of article, the authors found that the intended political thinking in the study of <em>Fath</em><em> al-Qadîr</em> is about constitutional ideas. These ideas about the constitution is limited to the concept of leadership and deliberation, the concept of the right of citizen to obtain justice, and the concept pf the right of citizens to live association and assembly


Author(s):  
Amanda Bailey

In A Midsummer Night’s Dream, consciousness, agency, and embodiment are not always in concert. Legal personification serves as the backdrop of my discussion of Bottom’s metamorphosis, which I see as evocative of developments within common law around the creation of artificial persons. In early modern jurisprudence, disembodiment offered an occasion for incorporation, such that the non-consensual human could be transformed into an artificial entity with agentic capacity. Through the staging of metamorphosis, A Midsummer Night’s Dream elaborates the surreal transformation of the human into the non-human as a theatrical effect with political implications, insofar as personification is an enabling condition of the collective rather than a crisis of the individual. The play’s sensitivity to artificial assemblage puts it in conversation with a strand of contemporary political thought interested in the complexity of the will beyond the human body.


Almanack ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 244-277
Author(s):  
Bruno Gonçalves Rosi

Abstract Aureliano Cândido Tavares Bastos was one of the main ideologists of the Brazilian Liberal Party in the 1860s and 1870s. Through several books, pamphlets and articles, Tavares Bastos defended that Brazil should follow a greater political and administrative decentralization, granting greater autonomy to the provinces. Another way to summarize Tavares Bastos’s political thinking is to say that he had great admiration for the United States, and understood that Brazil should, within the possibilities, copy more the political model of this country. Thus, this text interprets the political thinking of Tavares Bastos emphasizing as central factor of this the proposal that Brazil should not only more closely copy US federalism, but also get closer to the US in its foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Peter Lake

This piece discusses the individual and collective contribution of the essays in the volume to debates framed by modern scholars on the English Reformation and its impact, a field dominated by Sir Geoffrey Elton and Patrick Collinson; on the origins of the English Civil War, established by the work of Conrad Russell; and on the connections drawn between historiography and political thought or political thinking, a world dominated by J. G. A. Pocock and more recently by the series of studies prompted by the seminal work of Lisa Jardine, Anthony Grafton and Blair Worden.


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