‘The British boss is gone and will never return’: Communist takeovers of British companies in Shanghai (1949–1954)

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1941-1976 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONATHAN J. HOWLETT

AbstractIn May 1949 the Chinese Communist Party seized Shanghai. Rather than being elated at the prospect of harnessing the economic power of China's largest city to complete the revolution, the Communists approached it cautiously. How would the Chinese Communist Party set about transforming this free-wheeling port city with a ‘semi-colonial’ past into an orderly and socialist city? How would it balance ideology and pragmatism in reshaping Shanghai? This paper uses the takeover of two British companies as case studies to explore these issues at the ground level. It is argued that the means by which these companies were transformed tell us much about the Party and its state-building policies. When cadres entered foreign companies, their priority was not radical change and anti-imperialism, but rather fostering a sense of stability and unity to avoid disrupting production. Their gradual approach was due in large part to the Party's awareness of its own limited skills, resources and manpower, but also to its leaders and cadres recognizing that before they could remake Shanghai anew they had first to deal with the material and human legacies of the past.

2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Sheng

In October 1950 the Chinese leader Mao Zedong embarked on a two-front war. He sent troops to Korea and invaded Tibet at a time when the People's Republic of China was burdened with many domestic problems. The logic behind Mao's risky policy has baffled historians ever since. By drawing on newly available Chinese and Western documents and memoirs, this article explains what happened in October 1950 and why Mao acted as he did. The release of key documents such as telegrams between Mao and his subordinates enables scholars to understand Chinese policymaking vis-à-vis Tibet much more fully than in the past. The article shows that Mao skillfully used the conflicts for his own purposes and consolidated his hold over the Chinese Communist Party.


1981 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 407-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart R. Schram

On 1 July 1981 the Chinese Communist Party celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of its foundation. To mark this occasion, the Party itself issued a statement summing up the experience of recent decades. It seems an appropriate time for outsiders as well to look back over the history of the past 60 years, in the hope of grasping long-term tendencies which may continue to influence events in the future.


2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (04) ◽  
pp. 38-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongnian ZHENG ◽  
Wen Xin LIM

China’s rule of law took an ugly turn in less than a year after the legal reform was announced. The country detained lawyers on 9 July 2015. The Chinese Communist Party seems to have inherited the "Rule of Man" from the past and acts like an "organisational emperor". While it took the West a few centuries to build its system of rule of law, it will take China even longer to do so.


1990 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 258-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Hunt ◽  
Odd Arne Westad

Conditions for research on the foreign relations of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have changed dramatically over the past decade in ways that deserve underscoring as well as applauding. Those changes now make possible a more wide-ranging research strategy one that includes inner-Party documents, memoirs from abroad range of prominent Party personalities, and articles and books based on privileged access to archives and interviews with individual leaders. These kinds of materials can today be set alongside those long-time staples of research, the contemporary Party press and the selected works of Party leaders.Thus armed with greater evidence than ever before, the students of the CCP can now advance towards a broader and deeper understanding of the Party's foreign relations. Certainly, there is nothing equivalent in fullness or ease of access to the U.S. Department of State's documentary series, and the likelihood of being able to walk into the Central Party Archives in Beijing to ask for documents 30 years old or even older as one can do at the Public Records Office in London is still but a hopeful glimmer in the scholar's eye. But compared to the extremely limited opportunities of the past, a new era is here. This survey is intended to draw attention to new sources and old problems in the study of the CCP's international relations, and to serve as a guide for those interested in moving into that field of research.This report is based on impressions and materials collected in China during the spring and summer of 1989.


1968 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 23-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Martin Wilbur

Early in 1928 the Chinese Communist Party was in crisis. It might have disintegrated and disappeared. Yet in fact it persisted, constantly refashioned itself, and ultimately became the political system of the country. The broad questions we may ask about this historical fact are: What was the nature of the Party in 1928? What had been the experience of the leadership? And what was the relationship between the Party, with its distinctive ideology, and the Chinese social environment?


1978 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Paris H. Chang

Wang Tung-hsing occupies a very important position in Chinese politics today. His political influence has increased enormously in the past year, and since the 11th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in August 1977, he has become one of the four vice-chairmen of the Central Committee (CC) of the Party.


1985 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Saich

The current stress of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party on the necessity of “seeking truth from facts” and the accompanying more liberal attitude to research have led to a re-vitalisation, as in other areas, of the study of party history. The portrayal of Mao Zedong in a more fallible light and the ending of the overemphasis on his role in the Chinese Revolution have led to the study, or re-study, of aspects of Chinese communist history in which Mao was not directly, or only marginally, involved, and to evaluations, or re-evaluations, of the contribution of other communist leaders. The contemporary view that the concept of “two-line struggle” has been overstressed in past historiography, particularly during the Cultural Revolution decade, has also helped historians in China to provide a more “objective” account of the role of other key figures. Differences of opinion no longer have to be castigated as outright opposition nor do later “failings” by individuals necessarily lead to a search by historians to expose a “counter-revolutionary” past throughout.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.


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