Too Much Trust: Regional Party Leaders and Local Political Networks under Brezhnev

Why did the campaign for “trust in cadres” (doverie k kadram) come to be so emblematic of the Brezhnev era? In this article, Yoram Gorlizki argues that following the failure of Nikita Khrushchev's institutional experiments, Leonid Brezhnev turned to “trust”—ties grounded in ongoing personal relationships—as a means of lowering the Soviet system's high transaction costs. Focusing on in-depth studies of three regions, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kirov, and Krasnodar, Gorlizki suggests that the leadership system in each shifted towards a pattern marked by modest but stable institutional constraints on regional leaders, a carefully calibrated system of seniority, and a set of order-enhancing norms that are referred to as ”hierarchical ethics.“ Mirroring the new leadership arrangements in Moscow, this combination of regional institutional constraints and political norms was the most compatible with a pattern of informal devices for cooperation that would come under the label of “trust” (doverie). Gorlizki contends that while Soviet officials had always resorted to personal relationships in order to attain their official goals, the campaign for “trust in cadres” gave cover to such practices by in effect elevating them into a component part of the regime's ideology. Gorlizki concludes by describing the variety of dangers these arrangements carried with them.

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Authoritarian Checks and Balances

Substate Dictatorship ◽

10.12987/yale/9780300230819.003.0003 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 59-91

Author(s):

Yoram Gorlizki ◽

Oleg Khlevniuk

Keyword(s):

Power Sharing ◽

Institutional Constraints ◽

Checks And Balances ◽

Regional State ◽

Regional Leaders ◽

Security Organizations

This chapter shows how substate dictators did not always have things their own way despite their immense power. It assesses institutional constraints on the plane of authoritarian power sharing and authoritarian control that trace how substate dictators began to adapt their behavior. It also investigates Obkom first secretaries, the directors of large factories, and heads of regional state and security organizations that operated at the level of authoritarian power sharing. The chapter explains the limits of authoritarian control and looks at the variety of institutional checks by the statewide dictator to test the effectiveness of regional leaders. It also discusses the key function of elections, which conveys information on the ability of obkom secretaries in order to “lead the aktiv.”

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Interparty and Intraparty Factionalism in Cambodian Politics

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs ◽

10.1177/1868103420906023 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 39 (1) ◽

pp. 17-38 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Sorpong Peou

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Political Parties ◽

Party System ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Historical Institutionalism ◽

Institutional Constraints ◽

Party Leaders ◽

People's Party ◽

Party State ◽

Opposition Parties

Cambodia’s hegemonic party system that emerged after the violent removal of First Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh early in July 1997 has now given way to a one-party state, which still remains prone to tension and instability. The party system has become less factionalised and can be characterised as moving from high to medium factionalism. This development resulted from the growing domination of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and the weakening of the opposition parties, such as National United Front for an Independent, Netural, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia, which splintered and become almost irrelevant in Cambodian politics. The Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) emerged as the main opposition party after the 2013 election but was then banned from competing in the 2018 election. Although the CNRP remains united by its anti-CPP position, it is still fractured along political lines between two former opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. Historical institutionalism sheds some new light on the variation of political developments among political parties and within them, but does not supplant the fact that party leaders are rational to the extent that they select strategies in pursuit of their interests defined as power or security under specific institutional constraints or the lack thereof.

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Prosperity and Conflict in Post-Mao Rural China

The China Quarterly ◽

10.1017/s0305741000036742 ◽

1986 ◽

Vol 105 ◽

pp. 1-18 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

David Zweig

Keyword(s):

Rural Economy ◽

Rural China ◽

Poverty Line ◽

Personal Relationships ◽

Party Leaders ◽

The Past ◽

People’S Daily ◽

Comparative Advantages ◽

Economic Ties ◽

Labour Power

In 1980 the People's Daily reported that 200 million Chinese peasants were living below the poverty line, while in 1982 Vicepremier Wan Li admitted the “for many years in the past, more than 150 million peasants had not solved the problem of not having enough to eat.” To enrich the rural economy, Party leaders called on peasants to pursue numerous private roads to prosperity. The new policy, highlighted by the phrase “permit some peasants to get rich first” (rang yixie nongmin xian fuqilai), allows households who are more industrious, more innovative and, of course, those with better personal and economic ties, to utilize their skills, personal relationships, excess labour power, and comparative advantages to accrue wealth quickly.

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Institutional Constraints and the Enforcement of Racialized Social Pressure

Steadfast Democrats ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691199511.003.0007 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 168-196

Author(s):

Ismail K. White ◽

Chryl N. Laird

Keyword(s):

Field Experiment ◽

Survey Data ◽

Social Ties ◽

Social Institutions ◽

Social Pressure ◽

Institutional Constraints ◽

Social Constraint ◽

Black Institutions ◽

History Of ◽

Political Norms

This chapter takes up black social institutions as central locations where in-group political norms are defined and propagated. It outlines a basic history of black social institutions, including how their creation was a direct response to the denial of access to white spaces. The importance of these institutions as sites for in-group political discourse and the enforcement of norms are noted. These institutions are places where blacks are reminded of group expectations. Using survey data, the chapter demonstrates the frequency with which blacks Americans interact within black institutions. The analysis shows that black institutions continue to be centers for daily engagement, reinforcing black social ties. The chapter then turns to another lab-in-the-field experiment to directly test the power of black institutions to facilitate racialized social constraint.

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Autism and Neurodiversity: Addressing Concerns and Offering Implications for the School-Based Speech-Language Pathologist

Perspectives of the ASHA Special Interest Groups ◽

10.1044/2020_persp-20-00188 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 1-7

Author(s):

Laura S. DeThorne ◽

Kelly Searsmith

Keyword(s):

Service Provision ◽

Individualized Education Program ◽

Institutional Constraints ◽

Individualized Education ◽

Existing Structures ◽

Eligibility Determination ◽

Speech Language Pathologist ◽

School Based ◽

Key Points ◽

C Center

Purpose The purpose of this article is to address some common concerns associated with the neurodiversity paradigm and to offer related implications for service provision to school-age autistic students. In particular, we highlight the need to (a) view first-person autistic perspectives as an integral component of evidence-based practice, (b) use the individualized education plan as a means to actively address environmental contributions to communicative competence, and (c) center intervention around respect for autistic sociality and self-expression. We support these points with cross-disciplinary scholarship and writings from autistic individuals. Conclusions We recognize that school-based speech-language pathologists are bound by institutional constraints, such as eligibility determination and Individualized Education Program processes that are not inherently consistent with the neurodiversity paradigm. Consequently, we offer examples for implementing the neurodiversity paradigm while working within these existing structures. In sum, this article addresses key points of tension related to the neurodiversity paradigm in a way that we hope will directly translate into improved service provision for autistic students. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.13345727

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Psychisches Befinden, Beschwerden und Belastungen: Ergebnisse einer repräsentativen Studie

Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie Psychologie und Psychotherapie ◽

10.1024/1661-4747/a000065 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 59 (2) ◽

pp. 155-165 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Sören Schmidt ◽

Franz Petermann ◽

Manfred E. Beutel ◽

Elmar Brähler

Keyword(s):

Personal Relationships ◽

Patient Health Questionnaire ◽

Health Questionnaire ◽

Klinische Praxis ◽

Psychisches Befinden ◽

Patient Health

Zusammenfassung. Die Erfassung von Beschwerden und der Befindlichkeit sind wesentlicher Teil eines klinisch-diagnostischen Prozesses. Da Angststörungen und Depressionen in hohem Maße mit verschiedenen psychischen und körperlichen Belastung einhergehen, wurden in dieser Studie primär die prädiktiven Eigenschaften der Beschwerden-Liste (B-LR) und der Befindlichkeits-Skala (Bf-SR) in revidierter Form mittels Regressionsanalysen (linear und hierarchisch) an einer Stichprobe von N = 2504 untersucht. Als abhängiges Kriterium galt die Ausprägung von Angst- und Depressionssymptomen, ermittelt über das Kurzscreening Patient-Health-Questionnaire-4 (PHQ-4). Da vermutet wurde, dass entsprechende Symptome auch einen Einfluss auf die Qualität sozialer Beziehungen des Betroffenen haben und die globale Lebenszufriedenheit beeinflussen, wurden zudem das Quality of Personal Relationships Inventory (QRI) sowie der Fragebogen zur Lebenszufriedenheit (FLZM) eingesetzt. Sowohl B-LR als auch Bf-SR verfügten über alle Altersgruppen und geschlechtsinvariant über hohe prädiktive Eigenschaften. Die Qualität sozialer Beziehung (QRI) eignet sich nicht zur Vorhersage von Angst und Depressionen. Globale Lebenszufriedenheit nimmt in der Altersgruppe 14–74 gegenläufig zum Anstieg von Angst- und Depressionssymptomen signifikant ab, in der Altersgruppe der ⩾ 75-jährigen Männern leistet diese jedoch keinen signifikanten Beitrag zur Varianzaufklärung. Bei den Frauen dieser Altersgruppe geht eine Erhöhung der Lebenszufriedenheit mit der Zunahme von Angst- und Depressionssymptomen einher. Die Ergebnisse lassen den Schluss zu, dass der Einsatz von B-LR und Bf-SR eine gute Informations- und Handlungsbasis für Forschung und klinische Praxis darstellen. Die unterschiedlichen Tendenzen innerhalb der Analysen zwischen Männern und Frauen weisen auf geschlechtsspezifische Verarbeitungsmechanismen hin. In höherem Alter sollte die Ausprägung von Beschwerden Indikator für die Ermittlung weiterer Ressourcen darstellen, um einen positiven Einfluss auf die Lebenszufriedenheit auszuüben.

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