scholarly journals The Political Geography of the Eurocrisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-678
Author(s):  
Pablo Beramendi ◽  
Daniel Stegmueller

ABSTRACTThe European Union provided a mixed response to the 2008 financial crisis. On the one hand, it refused to pursue fiscal integration through a common budget; on the other, it introduced significant transfers between countries that were designed to produce financial stabilization. The authors analyze this response as the outcome of democratic constraints on EU leaders. Given the EU’s current institutional structure, citizens’ preferences pose a binding constraint on what leaders can do as these preferences limit the scope of risk-pooling among members and the degree of political tolerance for different courses of action. The authors show that citizens’ preferences reflect differences in the geography of income, production regimes, and institutional organization. The heterogeneity of constituencies’ redistribution preferences combined with a diverse economic geography helps to explain why political constraints on national governments prevent them from engaging in further fiscal integration. By contrast, externalities among member states shift the preferences of citizens who may experience negative effects and make international redistribution politically feasible. The authors analyze these two mechanisms and present novel empirical results on the determinants of preferences for fiscal integration and international redistribution in the aftermath of the eurocrisis.

2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
Effie Fokas

This chapter considers the relationship between ‘Orthodoxies’ and ‘Europes’, highlighting the multiplicity of Eastern Christian Orthodox approaches and attitudes towards Europe, from one majority Orthodox national context to another and one historical period to another, ranging from anti-Europeanism (and anti-Westernism) to Europhilism. It also draws attention to differences in Orthodox stances on the idea of Europe, on the one hand, and the political reality of the European unification project, on the other. A temporal perspective is particularly relevant in changing attitudes to the European Union. Special attention is paid to external perspectives on the relationship between ‘Orthodoxy’ and ‘Europe’, often politicized and influenced by the political turmoil in the Balkans. The chapter closes with reference to the situation of flux characterizing contemporary conceptions of Europe, and the impact of the latter on ‘Orthodoxy’ in relation to ‘Europe’.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Mirela Matei ◽  
Marian Catalin Voica

The concept of corporate social responsibility is in constant development. It passes from the sphere of large transnational companies to the smaller sized companies, in the field of SMEs. Although SMEs don’t have the impact of great corporations, they have a duty to carry out social responsibility programs. An SME, as a singular unit, does not have the social impact of transnational corporations, but the large number of SMEs creates a social impact comparable to the one generated by large corporations. Due to competitive pressures, large transnational companies have outsourced some activities. SMEs that have taken over these activities have taken over responsibility for social programs to offset the negative effects arising


Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ton Wilthagen ◽  
Frank Tros

This article deals with the new policy concept of ‘flexicurity’ in view of the emerging flexibility-security nexus currently faced by the European Union, national governments, sectors of industry, individual companies and workers. On the one hand there is a strong demand to make labour markets, employment and work organisation more flexible. At same time, an equally strong demand exists for providing security to employees – especially vulnerable groups – and for preserving social cohesion in our societies. Policy-makers, legislators, trade unions and employers’ organisations have a strong need for new theory-inspired policy models and concepts that promise to reconcile these goals of enhancing both flexibility and security that at first sight seem incompatible. This article discusses the origins, conditions and potential of ‘flexicurity’ as policy or strategy at various levels of industrial relations. It also outlines a research agenda.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-44
Author(s):  
Eugenio Orlandi

There is a trend in government to establish semi-autonomous public organizations, “Agencies”, to carry out public tasks, implement policies, regulate markets and policy sectorsor deliver public services. Once an Agency is established, it is necessary to ensure proper governance. Object of this paper is to answer three Research Questions. RQ1: “Is EU Agencies governance subject to change over time”? If the answeris “Yes”, a second question (RQ2) pops up: ‘Why EU Agencies’ governance is subject to change?” Last but not least, change has to be implemented. The topic is developed in relation to the choice made by the European Union,the one-size-fits-all modelthat makes the work of controllers simple. Are we sure that such a model“is the best choice for EU Agencies’ governance?” (RQ3). If RQ1 is self-evident, more interesting are RQ2 and RQ3 because explain the nature of change (Why) and How change was introduced. In this quest, the tasks assigned to the Board of Directors and the Executive Directorare mapped against Agencies’ mission. In the case of the European Police Office, in eight years three founding acts-an international Convention, a Council decision and a Regulation - have changed the tasks of the Board of Directors and of the Executive Directorin line with the evolution of the political scenari: from intergovernmental cooperation to a policy assigned by the Lisbon Treatyto the European Union.


Author(s):  
Matthijs Rooduijn ◽  
Stijn van Kessel

At the conceptual level, populism and Euroskepticism are both closely related and inherently distinct. Notably, populism is a general set of ideas about the functioning of democracy, while Euroskepticism concerns a position toward a more concrete political issue (European integration). When focusing on the political supply side (political parties) as well as the demand side (citizens), populism and Euroskepticism can often be observed in tandem. In practice, many populist parties are Euroskeptic, and many Euroskeptic parties are populist. Euroskepticism and populism can typically be found at the ideological fringes of party systems, in particular among parties with radical left socioeconomic positions on the one hand and radical right sociocultural positions on the other. While little is known about the relationship between populist and Euroskeptic attitudes among citizens, it is clear that such attitudes contribute to support for populist and Euroskeptic parties. Moreover, preliminary analyses indicate that at the level of voters, populist and Euroskeptic attitudes often coincide. Future studies (considering both the supply and the demand sides) should focus in greater depth on how the two concepts are related and how they interact in practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-440
Author(s):  
Christine Hentschel ◽  
Susanne Krasmann

Law needs a force; without its force, it would be nothing. This article proposes a conceptualization of the force of law as affective by examining the political aesthetics of “Forensic Architecture,” a project based at Goldsmiths, University of London. The novelty of Forensic Architecture's analytical approach arises, on the one hand, from its use of technologies of power that are otherwise employed by states and their military forces—thus reversing the direction of the surveillant gaze towards a disobedient practice of seeing and sensing. On the other hand, the notion of a “force field” operates as a particular critique of European border policy. The force of law appears to merge into, and at the same time emerge out of, a complex arrangement of technological devices, legal regulations, and human actions. This essay re-traces the political aesthetics of the “left-to-die-boat” case, where a boat filled with migrants was left without any assistance despite the legal regulation that obliges obliging seafarers to rescue anyone in distress in the Mediterranean Sea. Forensic Architecture's case-work unsettles human-centered “norms of representation” typically used in critical writings on the European Union (EU) border regime; instead, the law is demonstrated to be enfolded within an affective force field that operates with “touch” and “connectivity” and that allows us to see and sense the law in a newly pluralistic manner.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (98) ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
Sława Cwalińska - Weychert ◽  
Iwona Kaja

The authors of this article, having analyzed the role of the Insurance Guarantee Fund in the compulsory insurance system, show the most significant differences in the liability of motor liability insurers and the IGF towards the injured. In their opinion, the identified differences in the liability principles and the differences in the interpretation of the applicable laws are the most frequent sources of competence disputes between insurance undertakings and the Fund, particularly about the competence of one of them in the claims settlement of victims of incidents involving unidentified perpetrators. On the one hand, these disputes are essentially held over formal issues, such as the existence or non-existence of insurance cover of the perpetrator and, on the other hand, over substantive ones, namely the recognition of the liability of either the IGF or the insurer in the circumstances of the event. Owing to their complex nature these disputes are frequently long-lasting, which results in the victims waiting for an extremely long time for their compensation. The authors emphasize that in the European Union the above problem has already been identified and was mostly regulated by the Directive 2009/103/EC of the European Parliament and Council of 16 September 2009 relating to insurance against civil liability in respect of the use of motor vehicles, and the enforcement of the obligation to insure against such liability. In Article 11 of the regulation it is stated that in the event of a dispute between the guarantee institution and the insurer, about determining who must compensate the victim, the Member States are required to designate one of those parties to be responsible in the first instance for paying the compensation to the victim without delay. The Insurance Guarantee Fund has repeatedly pointed to the negative effects of the lack of full implementation of this regulation to our national legislation. It consequently must have led to competence disputes and the need for conflict resolution in courts, at the expense of victims waiting long for being paid the compensation. Having recognized the importance of the above problems, the Polish legislator finally resolved this issue by the Act of 23 October 2018, amending the act on compulsory insurance, the Insurance Guarantee Fund and the Polish Motor Insurers’ Bureau in accordance with the directive. In the above amendment it has been indicated that in the event of a competence dispute the insurance undertaking is required to satisfy the justified claims, but at the same time the obligation has been imposed on the Fund to reimburse the paid compensation to the insurer, in the situation when the responsibility of the Fund to the victim of the accident was established. According to the authors, the entry into force of this regulation on 31 December 2018 should eliminate from the market the phenomenon of justified claims being not settled in due time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-167
Author(s):  
I. Markovych ◽  
Z. Bryndzya ◽  
N. Bazhanova

The essence of the category «sustainable development», defined as the one that meets present needs without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs is investigated in this paper. An important characteristic of sustainable development is the harmonious combination of economic growth with maximum integration in the social sphere, which does not contradict, but on the contrary, enhances the quality and importance in the allocation of resources for environmental protection measures. It is evident that both public and business sector must be involved in the complex processes of change, but guidelines must first be set by national governments. The preconditions for the need to restructure the world economic space in the direction of increasing the importance of the inclusiveness principles are also analyzed. Poverty and stratification of incomes in the country constrain the growth and implementation of the state economic potential, because employment and consumption are not complete. Since one of the indicators of the changes effectiveness in approaches to economic development is the poverty dynamics, we analyzed the retrospective and projected values of the employed population of the world living less than 1.9 US dollars per day, which shows that without drastic changes, this share will deviate towards the negative direction compared with the level reached during the previous 5 years. It is described that inclusiveness involves the inclusion in the processes of economic growth of all territories, sectors of the economy and economic agents. It is shown that the concept of inclusiveness and the use of all opportunities to mitigate the negative effects of restrictive quarantine measures comes to the fore, including those in the context of ensuring gender balance. Comparison of gender pay gaps in Ukraine and some other countries, the level of economic activity of women, who demonstrate the influence of cultural, historical and other features on this sign of equality is carried out. It is concluded that an important role in overcoming poverty and leveling the negative scenarios that are unfolding today in the world economy is the involvement into economic activity not only the population in all territories, but also the reduction of economic manifestations of gender gaps.


2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Viviani

Fifty years after the start of the process of unification and thirty from the first elections to the European Parliament, this book addresses the role played by the political party in the supernational public context. It also responds to a number of interrogatives crucial for the future of the European Union: is there a Europe of the parties beyond a Europe of the nations and national governments? What role can the political parties actually play in the process of democratisation of the European Union? To address these issues of growing scientific and topical interest in the political debate, the votes expressed by the MEPs are reconstructed and analysed so as to clarify the question of the cohesion of political families and the fault lines between national delegations and Eurogroups. What emerges is a telling and problematic dimension of political conflict "in Europe" and "on Europe", already beyond the national borders but not yet the expression of Pan-European parties.


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