RECONSIDERING THE IRISH ACT OF UNION

2000 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 399-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J. Connolly

AbstractTHE political, administrative and social consequences of the union of Great Britain and Ireland, and even more the eventual unravelling of the structures it created, have for the greater part of the past century provided Irish historians with a major theme. By contrast the measure itself has received little sustained analysis or discussion. F.R. Bolton's monograph, first published in 1966, remains – more than three decades later – the standard reference. In part this is a tribute to the depth, breadth and penetration of Bolton's account. But there is also at least the suggestion that the negotiation and passage of the union legislation, during 1799–1800, is to be seen as unproblematic, a relatively straightforward event providing a terminus or a starting point for discussion of the more complex and challenging periods on either side.

1972 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Busfield

The familiar and well-established negative association between a woman's age at marriage and family size has received somewhat less attention in recent years. No doubt this is because, with the reduction in fertility of the past century, the observed differentials appear less striking and seem less significant. Age at marriage is a less obvious determinant of family size than in the past. Glass & Grebenik (1954), commenting on the data produced by the 1946 Family Census, emphasized the decreasing importance of the association both absolutely and relatively. Contrasting the completed fertility of the 1900–09 and the 1925 marriage cohorts in Great Britain (Table 1), they argued that, though for all, married women the relative influence of age at marriage was unchanged, the figures for fertile marriages only (those where the wife had at least one child) appeared to indicate ‘that age at marriage and fertility were not quite so tightly linked for the more recent group’. And they added ‘this is the kind of development which would be expected with the increasing spread of family planning’.


Author(s):  
Andrew Altman

Freedom of speech and religion are among the central values of modern constitutional democracies. Efforts to understand what these freedoms mean and why they are important, and to translate them into enduring institutional arrangements, constitute a major part of the history of such democracies. As the twenty-first century begins, the political and theoretical debates over these values are not the same as they were in the past. Although centuries of philosophical controversy and institutional experimentation have settled some issues, others have been raised, with some surprising twists. Constitutional democracies rest on the principle that all citizens are to be treated as free and equal persons under the law. The principle is the settled starting point for all reasonable debate about freedom of speech and religion, and it entails that the law must secure for each citizen an equal and extensive scheme of basic liberties, including the liberties of speech and religion.


1941 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Orent ◽  
Pauline Reinsch

Recently, certain small uninhabited islands in the central Pacific Ocean have assumedsudden importance for the British Empire and the United States. Their value as landing places for commercial aviation and as strategic bases for air and naval forces is being increasingly recognized. Acquired during the past century by Great Britain and the UnitedStates, many of these islands have been the object of conflicting claims to sovereignty by the two nations. To clarify their status, it has been found desirable to review the past practice of these states and to examine those factors which were considered adequateto create sovereign rights over uninhabited islands in the Pacific.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan J. Brown

Over the past century, most states of the Middle East have attempted to strengthen and centralize their legal systems, often following European models. Egypt undertook one of the first steps in that direction with its mixed-court system. These courts, which had jurisdiction in civil and commercial cases that involved a foreigner, however remotely, operated from 1876 until 1949. That this system could survive the political turmoil of those years, far outliving the circumstances which brought it into being, is remarkable.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422098111
Author(s):  
Jordi Xifra

In recent years, the electoral situation in Spain, has been marked by the issue of Catalan independence, which has conditioned the electoral agenda of all parties and the frames of political discourse. Against the idea of a violent movement that the Spanish nationalist parties and government want to transmit to Spanish society about the separatist movement, the nationalist parties’ and Catalan government turn to nonviolent discourse and action. This nonviolent behavior is based on what in the past century was defended by some public intellectuals, such as Albert Camus. Indeed, Camus is our exemplar because he also raises issues that continue to be relevant, especially in advocating principles and methods of nonviolent political action. Furthermore, Camus did so in situations of war and injustice through tactics typical of political communication the of activist groups. This article wants to show how current and how effective the ideas of Camus are today, when it is 60 years since his death, in some national electoral discourses and actions, and serve for activism PR purposes in the political communication frame.


1931 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 175-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Petrie

Of all the myriad projects to restore the House of Stuart that known as the Elibank Plot is by no means the least interesting, and it is certainly the most obscure. So little, indeed, has it been regarded in the past that few historians have thought it worthy even of mention, though it does in fact throw considerable light, not only upon the political situation in Great Britain during the years that immediately followed Culloden, but also upon the intrigues of the leading Powers in the period preceding the Diplomatic Revolution. In view, therefore, of the obscurity in which this conspiracy has hitherto been shrouded, I must crave your permission to give some account of the authorities upon which my interpretation of it is based.


1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Halford L. Hoskins

The Suez Canal has been regarded at times and uncritically as one of Egypt's great assets. It is so considered by many of the political leaders of Egypt, as their attitude on Canal issues bears witness. In the sense that the Suez waterway, both as a project and as an achievement, has brought the land of Egypt prominently into the world scene during the past century, it has been a factor in the trend of development of that country second in importance only to the Nile River itself. This is no indication, however, that the Canal has had a beneficent influence on Egyptian life. Actually, a careful estimate of the changes it has wrought, both economic and political, leads inescapably to the conclusion that, with respect to tangible effects, the waterway thus far has worked to the distinct disadvantage of Egypt. It is impossible to bring the intangible balance sheet to totals, but it is safe to say that an Egyptian patriot more concerned with his country's national security and a balanced budget than with its prominence in world affairs might well deplore the fact that the Canal ever progressed beyond the stage of discussion.


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-197
Author(s):  
Robert Anderson

This chapter assesses Lyon Playfair's views on universities. Playfair was a Scottish scientist who became an administrator, a university professor, and a politician. He has been praised as ‘one of the chief architects of the system of technical education in Great Britain as it exists to-day’. As a Member of Parliament (MP), he had to engage with practical university problems, in England and Ireland as well as Scotland, as they arose on the political agenda. But his starting-point was Scotland, and in putting Scottish problems in a wider British and European context, Playfair was part of a distinctive nineteenth-century discourse. Scottish academics and intellectuals were stimulated to think in comparative terms by the obvious contrast between Scottish and English universities; by the need to adapt university education to new social needs; by discussions which surrounded major legislation in 1858 and 1889; and by the widely shared feeling that Scotland had a national system of education closer to continental than to English traditions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-413
Author(s):  
William B. Gould

The article focuses upon developments in (1) so-called union security and fair share laws through which financial support of unions is obliged; (2) the cases and practices involving both union democracy and discrimination that have emerged with considerable frequency, particularly in the wake of comprehensive fair employment practices legislation; (3) involvement of the unions in the political process and the ways in which this has altered over the past century.


1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 591-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisha Greifer

It is a commonplace observation of French politics of the past century that men who started out as radicals turned conservative as they grew older, and that party groups launched with radical names and programs, though they kept the names, swung to the Right with the passage of time. In both cases we explain the transformation, in part at least, as evidence of an increasing satisfaction with the status quo, as the political system made room for the newcomer. In Joseph de Maistre we have an example from a somewhat earlier age of a less common phenomenon, the conservative turned reactionary, and impelled, moreover, to develop a systematic justification of his new position. Evidently, no parallel explanation will serve to account for this change, for Maistre, though he found a place for himself in the public life of his time, grew increasingly dissatisfied with the trend of events around him. It will not do, either, to dismiss him—in the manner of the orthodox tradition in the history of political thought—as an authoritarian ogre, or an irrationalist, or simply as a confused man, a split personality with humanitarian impulses and reactionary ideas. There was no inconsistency in this combination. Rather the explanation must be sought in the political situation of his day as he saw it, and in his concern for the perennial problem of political obligation. The positions that concern led him to take, his rationalizations of them, and the difficulties they landed him in, are the subject of this article.


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