Age, labour market conditions and male suicide rates in selected countries

2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP TAYLOR

This study examined the relationship between suicide rates among men since 1975 and rates of unemployment and labour force participation in 20 countries. Previous research has found statistically significant correlations between suicide and unemployment rates over time among young people in a number of countries. This study has extended this research to include different age groups of men. The findings for younger workers largely confirm the findings of previous studies. Among older workers, however, unemployment and suicide rates are largely unrelated, notable exceptions including Japan and the USA. The implications of this finding for policy making towards older workers are discussed.

1991 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-523 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lester ◽  
Bijou Yang

Identical data sets for Australia and the USA from 1946 to 1984 were analysed to explore the association of unemployment rates, female participation in the labour force and divorce with suicide rates. While female participation in the labour force was related to suicide rates in Australia, unemployment was not. For the USA, both female participation in the labour force and unemployment were related to suicide rates.


1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilha Mannheim ◽  
Josef Rein

This study explores the relationships between work centrality, age and the wish to stop working in a sample of 755 males in Israel, classified into five occupational categories. Contrary to disengagement theory, no relationship was found between age and work centrality in any occupational group. Occupational situs was found to intervene in the relationship between age and the wish to stop working. Those willing to stop working have lower work centrality in all age groups, and intrinsic job rewards have a moderating effect on this relationship. The factors affecting work centrality of older workers differ from those affecting younger workers.


1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (8) ◽  
pp. 829-836 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Oluwafemi Agbayewa ◽  
Stephen A Marion ◽  
Sandi Wiggins

Objective: The effects of socioeconomic factors on suicide rates in the general population are widely documented. Few of these reports have specifically studied the effects of socioeconomic variables on suicide rates in the elderly population. Elderly persons have the highest suicide rates of any age-group. This group is different from the rest of the population insofar as suicide is concerned. For example, since most elderly persons are no longer in the labour force, it would be expected that they would be affected differently by economic factors such as unemployment. We report the findings of an ecological study of old-age suicide in British Columbia over an 11-year period. Methods: We obtained information on all suicide counts (International Classification of Diseases [ICD-9] codes E590–959) recorded in the 21 health units of British Columbia over the 11-year period from October 1, 1981, to September 30, 1991, from the Division of Vital Statistics of the Province of British Columbia and Statistics Canada. Social, economic, and demographic information for the health units was obtained from census data and included the number of persons per household, proportion of the population that lived in 1-person households, immigration and migration rates for each region, proportion of the population with less than grade 9 education, proportion with less than grade 12 certification, marital status rates, unemployment rates by gender, average household income, average census family income, and labour-force participation rate by gender. We calculated overall and gender-specific suicide rates for elderly persons (65 years and older) and younger populations. Using Poisson regression analyses, we determined the cross-sectional and longitudinal relative risks associated with the socioeconomic variables for the units, and we also examined trends in suicide rates. Results: There were 4630 suicides in the 11-year period. The mean suicide rate (per 100 000 population) for those over age 9 years was 18.6 (between health unit SD 5.2, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 17.0–20.2). The elderly have a higher suicide rate in every region. The male suicide rates (mean = 26.9, SD 6.4, 95% CI = 24.0–30.0) are higher than female rates (mean = 7.5, SD 1.7, 95% CI = 6.8–8.3) in every region. The factors influencing suicides were different for elderly males and elderly females. In all analyses, suicide rates in elderly females remained essentially stable across age-groups and units and over the years. Elderly male suicide rates varied across units and age-groups and over the years. Conclusions: Suicide rates are highest in males over age 74 years. There are regional differences in elderly suicide rates and the factors that influence them. Longitudinal and cross-sectional risk factors differ, and there are gender differences in the risk factors. For both elderly males and females, suicide rates appear to be influenced by social factors in the population as a whole, not just in the elderly population. Male and female employment patterns are associated with elderly male suicide rates, even though the latter are not in the labour force. For suicide in elderly women the important factors are population education, income, and migration levels.


ILR Review ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 498-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Rodriguez ◽  
Madeline Zavodny

This analysis of data from the Displaced Workers Surveys suggests that between the periods 1983–87 and 1993–97, although the likelihood of involuntary job loss declined among most age groups, including older workers, it rose for middle-aged and older workers relative to younger workers. Three potential explanations for this shift the authors investigate are changes in educational attainment, changes in the relationship between education and displacement, and industry shifts that had adverse effects on older workers relative to younger workers. The results of the analysis indicate that the relative displacement rate among college graduates increased over time, but there were few significant changes in the relationship between displacement and education within or across age groups. The probability of displacement increased significantly for workers in service-related industries across all age groups. The results do not conclusively indicate why older workers' relative risk of displacement increased but do rule out several possibilities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariona Lozano ◽  
Elisenda Rentería

Long-term unemployment has severe negative consequences. However, little is known about how long people could expect to be unemployed for more than one year during their lifespan, and which age groups are spending more time out of work while looking for jobs. We apply demographic techniques to enhance our understanding of long-term unemployment, and use the European Labour Force Survey and mortality data to calculate the time that a person could expect to be unemployed for more than a year in 25 European countries between 2000 and 2018. We identify four groups of countries that are characterised by different trends in the duration of long-term unemployment. Results show very different impact of the 2008 Recession on the length of long-term unemployment in Europe, and it was especially large in Southern and Eastern countries, as well as in Ireland. In addition, although younger workers record higher rates of long-term unemployment, older workers could expect to spend a larger proportion of their working lives unemployed. Finally, we show that, in some countries, the measure of long-term unemployment has been underestimated due to a discouraged worker effect.


2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (8) ◽  
pp. 1317-1323 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. K. Suryani ◽  
A. Page ◽  
C. B. J. Lesmana ◽  
M. Jennaway ◽  
I. D. G. Basudewa ◽  
...  

BackgroundThe relationship between the Bali (Indonesia) bombings of October 2002 and suicide has not previously been investigated, despite anecdotal evidence of the economic and psychological consequences of these attacks.MethodSuicide rates were calculated over the period 1994–2006 in three Bali regencies to determine whether suicide increased in the period following the first Bali bombings. Poisson regression and time-series models were used to assess the change in suicide rates by sex, age and area in the periods before and after October 2002.ResultsSuicide rates (age-adjusted) increased in males from an average of 2.84 (per 100 000) in the period pre-2002 to 8.10 in the period post-2002, and for females from 1.51 to 3.68. The greatest increases in suicide in the post-2002 period were in the age groups 20–29 and ⩾60 years, for both males and females. Tourist arrivals fell significantly after the bombings, and addition of tourism to models reduced relative risk estimates of suicide, suggesting that some of the increase may be attributable to the socio-economic effects of declines in tourism.ConclusionsThere was an almost fourfold increase in male suicide risk and a threefold increase in female suicide risk in the period following the 2002 bombings in Bali. Trends in tourism did not account for most of the observed increases. Other factors such as indirect socio-economic effects and Balinese notions of collective guilt and anxieties relating to ritual neglect are important in understanding the rise in suicide in the post-2002 period.


1992 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uriel Leviatan

The paper first explains why industrial societies will shortly need to increase their labour force by including persons of post current retirement age. It then presents two contrasted hypotheses to explain older workers' satisfaction with, and motivation in their work roles: Hypothesis (a), a “focus on compensation” which suggests that older workers seek compensation for deterioration in their sensory-motor potentials; Hypothesis (b), a “focus on relative advantage” which suggests that older workers seek to exploit their relative advantages, namely, their cognitive-emotional abilities and potentials. Reactions would be affected more by opportunities for satisfaction of psychological, higher order needs rather than opportunities for satisfying bodily needs. Validity of Hypothesis (b) is tested by a study of kibbutz workers (235) distributed about equally between the two genders and among three age groups (45-57; 58-67; 68 and over). Results of the analyses support Hypothesis (b) and its derivations. Older workers desire job characteristics that offer opportunities for satisfaction of higher order psychological needs more than they desire characteristics that offer better physical conditions and convenience at work. The former characteristics explain more than the latter characteristics, variance in “satisfaction with work” and variance in “motivation to contribute to job.” The discussion ends with suggestions for further study to answer questions such as: how and when to train workers to prepare them for jobs appropriate at very advanced ages beyond the currently normative retirement age; what should be the structure of jobs fit for older workers; how should they be integrated in work organizations with younger workers; where should the locus of decision regarding these questions be?


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mel Bartley

ABSTRACTThis paper will discuss the applicability of concepts of ‘stress’ and ‘selection’ to which health researchers appealed in their attempts to explain the relationship between health and unemployment, and examine the implications of some of the major studies carried out in Europe and the USA for these competing approaches. The contradictions arising from this evidence will then be addressed with the aid of a technical advance in population statistics which allows us to test hypotheses about whether the associations between socio-demographic characteristics and mortality may be due to selective mobility of seriously ill persons into socially disadvantaged positions. It is concluded that a better understanding of the results of available studies may be reached if we avoid the dichotomy between ‘stress’ and ‘selection’, and explore whether concepts of labour market processes and the reproduction costs of labour power can throw new light on the relationship between health and patterns of labour force participation. The paper aims both to encourage health researchers to consider policy and market variables more closely, and to tempt researchers more specialised in these latter fields to apply recent advances in the understanding of the interaction between labour market and income maintenance policies to the question of how economic conditions and change may affect health.


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