Copper Workers, Organized Labor, and Popular Protest under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1986

1997 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 106-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Miller Klubock
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Popular Protest ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
Copper Mines ◽  
Chilean Copper ◽  
The Military ◽  
General Strike

In April of 1983, the Chilean copper miners'confederation (the Confederación de Trabajadores de Cobre, or CTC), representing 26,000 copper workers, called for a general strike in Chile's copper mines and for a day of national protest against the military regime of Augusto Pinochet.

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Barr-Melej
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Augusto Pinochet Ugarte ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Military

The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.

The Elusive Goal in Democratic Chile: Reforming the Pinochet Labor Legislation

2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volker Frank
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Labor Legislation ◽  
The Military

AbstractDespite major attempts by the three governments of the post-Pinochet era, the promised reform of the labor legislation inherited from the military regime remains essentially incomplete. This study attempts to explain why, and addresses some of the consequences of this delay for Chilean organized labor, examining particularly the variables of consensus politics and employer concessions.

A Satirical Magazine in Its Own Way”: Politicisation and Dissent in Gırgır (1972-1983)

DIYÂR ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-348
Author(s):  
Valentina Marcella
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Cartoons ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The Military

The satirical weekly Gırgır, founded by Oğuz Aral in 1972, has been Turkey’s best-selling satirical magazine of all times. Characterized by a multitude of genres and styles, its contents ranged from written jokes to comics and political cartoons. Such diversity has prompted scholars to present this magazine in different, often contrasting ways, especially with reference to the nature and strength of its satire. This study intends to contribute to solving the ambiguity concerning whether Gırgır’s caricatures and cartoons may be deemed political or not. For this purpose, it focuses on its satirical repertoire from its early days up to the end of the military regime of 1980 to 1983, the most challenging time in terms of freedom of expression and dissent. This article argues that satire in Gırgır became increasingly political parallel to the growing politicisation of society in the 1970s and that the magazine did not bow to political pressure under the military rule. Especially its reactions to the repressive climate of the regime allow us to define its satire as political.

Democracy and the Church in Venezuela

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel H. Levine
Keyword(s):  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Traditional Attitude ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Church

Democracy has been better to the Venezuelan Church than many of its leaders or militants thought possible as they witnessed its rebirth in the early days of 1958. Despite the hierarchy's role in stimulating and legitimating opposition to the Pérez Jiménez regime, and its effusive praise of democracy as a system (Conferencia Episcopal Venezolana, 1958), private fears were great. After all, the years of military rule had been good times for the Church—Catholic institutions (particularly in education) had prospered, and their leaders responded with broad support for the military regime until shortly before the end (Colmenares Diaz, 1961).The Church's traditional attitude towards democracy had been a mix of suspicion of majoritarian principles of rule and specific rejection of what it saw as democracy's embodiment in Venezuela in Acción Democrática (Levine, 1973: 38-42, 62-93). This party's policies were seen as secularizing, socialistic, and anti-Catholic, and bitter memories of clashes with Acción Democrática governments in the late 1940s remained vivid.

scholarly journals Othering the minority: Comparative Study of Papua Ethnic in Indonesia and Rohingnya Ethnic In Myanmar During Military Rule

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya Anugrah
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
New Order ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Military

The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, the Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treats them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of the “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how the centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of the Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of the Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subjects of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya's historical background.

The Argentine Process of Demilitarization: 1980–83

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-238
Author(s):  
Guillermo Makin
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Seminal Work ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

THE FOREIGN ADVENTURISM OF THE ARGENTINE MILITARY may have made a few minds more cautious about automatically welcoming the advent of any other future military regime. This point was made more than a decade ago by Stepan in his seminal work on the military in Brazil; what he said then could have been said of most military regimes anywhere:Whatever the future outcome, it is clear that the attraction of military rule – its presumed stability, unity, and ftvity of purpose – has been largely illusory. Even more importantly, the difficulties encountered by the highly professional army of Brazil, with its technocratic civilian allies, illustrate that there can be no apolitical solution to the problems of political development.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-114
Author(s):  
Ruth Streicher
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
The South ◽  
National Scale ◽  
Military Junta ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

This concluding chapter studies the politics of the current military junta from the vantage point of the southern Thai counterinsurgency. Imperial practices of policing, it argues, are now applied on a national scale. The continuities of the imperial formation are key to understanding how the current military regime operates. For one, the military centrally relies on counterinsurgency techniques. In this reading, the counterinsurgency campaign in the South has helped to revive important practices and institutions of policing that seemed to have vanished after the Cold War, and, as in other imperial laboratories — European colonies that served as sites for experimenting with modern practices of government — it has helped to develop innovations that the junta now deploys to govern the country. What is more, the current military regime puts into play the axes of difference that undergird the Thai imperial formation, thus fortifying its structure to stabilize military rule.

scholarly journals ESTIMATING THE GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT OF NIGERIA DURING MILITARY AND CIVILIAN REGIMES: A CHOW TEST

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (34) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abidemi Abiola ◽  
Rasak Adetunji Adefabi
Keyword(s):  
Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Structural Break ◽  
Aggregate Demand ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Domestic Product ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Chow Test ◽  
Civilian Regimes ◽  
The Military

Gross domestic product is the commonest economic vari- able that is used to measure economic performance, either for intertemporal or international comparison. Nigeria as a country has been ruled since independence by two sets of regimes: the military and the civilian. Arguments were and still are concerned with which of the two regimes favoured the country economically. The study therefore estimates the gross domestic product of Nigeria using Chow test. The essence of Chow test is to determine if there was structural break from the point the country fully began civilian dis- pensation from the previous military regime. Using both the F statistic and the Chow test, the results show that there was indeed structural break between the military regime and the civilian regime. This result was further confirmed by the Cusum Square test that shows that the overall model was unstable before the correction. The results further show that out of five components of aggregate demand, four of the variables have coefficients higher during the civilian than the military regime. The study therefore concluded that civilian rule is better economically than military rule in Nigeria. It was recommended that politicians and politi- cal office holders should act within the ambit of the law to sustain the democracy the country is currently enjoying.

scholarly journals Constitution-making in a stifled democracy: A case study of self-censorship perpetuating propaganda in Fiji

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mosmi Bhim
Keyword(s):  
International Community ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Media Reporting ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military ◽  
Constitution Making

Fiji is preparing for general elections in 2014 by when the country will have been under military rule for eight years. A process of constitution-making began in mid-2012 and a new Constitution should be available by 2013. Citizens and the media continue to practise self-censorship and the military regime continues to remind citizens that they would crack down harshly on ‘trouble-makers’. In the same breath, the regime has promised the international community that the process for constitution-making will be free, fair, participatory and transparent. This article, through analysis of media reporting, will examine whether current self-censorship by media is aiding the constitution-making process, and if indeed, self-censorship is promoting peace? Through an analysis of the work of the Constitution Commission, the article will analyse the extent of participation of citizens in the context of a stifled democracy.

“With colleagues like that, who needs enemies?”:Doctors and Repression under Military and Post-Authoritarian Brazil

2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-505
Author(s):  
Eyal Weinberg
Keyword(s):  
Medical Education ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
State University ◽  
Medical Assistance ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Medical Board ◽  
Military Physician ◽  
The Military ◽  
Healing Arts

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.

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