scholarly journals An Apartheid of Souls: Religious Rationalisation in the Netherlands and Indonesia

Itinerario ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 142-159
Author(s):  
Albert Schrauwers

Described in travel books as a ‘sleepy church town’, Tentena is unusual in Indonesia, a nation where ninety per cent of the population is Muslim. In Tentena, on the island of Sulawesi, the proportions are reversed. There, as in much of rural Indonesia, religion clearly demarcates distinct ethnic and class boundaries: the majority of ethnic To Pamona, the indigenous peoples of the area, converted to Protestantism under the Netherlands Missionary Society at the turn of the century. Their church synod offices dominate the town. Largely peasant farmers, the To Pamona are culturally, religiously and economically distinguishable from both the Muslim Bugis traders who live around the market quarter, and from the ethnic Chinese Pentecostal merchants whose large shops dominate the local economy. This confluence of religion and ethnic identity among the To Pamona was fostered by Dutch missionaries who sought to create a ‘people's church’ or volkskerk, of the sort they were familiar with in the Netherlands. Driven by a new respect for indigenous cultures, the missions relativised the church's tenets; they argued that different ‘nations’ like the To Pamona could have their cultures preserved within their ‘national’ churches as long as those traditions were evaluated from a Biblical perspective. This discourse on ‘culture’, and missions in the vernacular, created a ‘nationalist’ religious discourse among the To Pamona infused with the ‘emancipatory’ politics of the churches in the Netherlands. The product of these strategies of incorporation was the religious ‘pillarization’ of the peoples of the highlands of Central Sulawesi, and their division into socially autonomous ethno-religious blocks.

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 307-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. van der Vlies ◽  
J. H. B. te Marvelde

Recycling of sewage sludge will soon no longer be possible in The Netherlands, or will be possible only to a very limited degree. For that reason, part of the sewage sludge will have to be incinerated. This will happen particularly in those areas where tipping space is very limited. A sludge incineration plant is planned to be built in the town of Dordrecht, with a capacity of 45,000 tonnes dry solids per year. The plant will be subject to the very strict flue gas emission requirements of the Dutch Guideline on Incineration. The Guideline demands a sophisticated flue gas purification procedure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-32
Author(s):  
JOS BAZELMANS

The windmill. The origins of a Dutch icon The windmill is an icon of the Netherlands. But when did this instrument acquire this symbolic role at home and abroad? After all, mills are also common outside of the Netherlands. In this essay, it is argued that during the second half of the 19th century, foreigners systematically identified the Netherlands and the windmill for the first time. More than in other countries, there was a varied use of mills in the Netherlands, large and robust mills and clusters of industrial mills. Within the Netherlands itself, development towards an iconic position is only visible around the turn of the century when the mill turned out to be a plus in tourist recruitment abroad and when mills were slowly disappearing from the landscape.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Verhoeven

Hamont is a small town located on the north-eastern edge of the Belgian province of Limburg, on the national border with the Netherlands. It is situated about 30 km south of Eindhoven and 15 km west of Weert in the Netherlands. The town has about 13,500 inhabitants. According to Belemans, Kruijsen & Van Keymeulen (1998), the dialect of Hamont belongs to the West Limburg dialects (subclassification: Dommellands). Limburg dialects occupy a unique position among the Belgian and Dutch dialects in that their prosodic system has a lexical tone distinction, which is traditionally referred to as SLEEPTOON ‘dragging tone’ and STOOTTOON ‘push tone’. In line with recent conventions, stoottoon is referred to as Accent 1 and transcribed as superscript 1; sleeptoon is referred to as Accent 2 and is transcribed as superscript 2 (cf. Schmidt 1986).


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Poul Porskær Poulsen

A strong wrestler and a speedy cyclist – a breakthrough for sport in VejleAs was the case with the majority of Danish provincial towns, sport came into its own in Vejle in around 1900. Several clubs were founded – for sailing, rowing, ball games, athletics, tennis and so on. In contrast to the sporting practice that had previously been seen in the town, activities were now much more organised, and those involved in sports had high ambitions for setting records and winning competitions against teams from other associations. A survey of the most important associations and clubs reveals differences, too, – for example, between the sailing club and the tennis club, which were playgrounds for the better-off, and the athlete club and the athletics club, which were real sports clubs. The cyclist Rasmus Jørgensen and the wrestler Gustav Heede were figureheads around the turn of the century. The cyclist set records, while the wrestler forced his opponents’ shoulders to the floor!


Author(s):  
Tom Hoogervorst ◽  
Melita Tarisa

Abstract An insensitive poem published in 1935 sparked a wave of outrage among the Indies Chinese students in the Netherlands. Titled The yellow peril, it had started as an inside joke among Leiden’s Indologists, yet quickly aroused the fury of both moderates and radicals. Their anti-colonial activism flared up for months, attracting numerous allies and eventually taking hold in the Netherlands Indies. After the Indologists had apologized, the number of activists willing to push for more structural change dwindled. As such, this microhistory lays bare some broader dynamics of anti-racism. We argue that ethnic Chinese, who continue to be portrayed as an unobtrusive model minority, have a longer legacy of activism than they are usually given credit for. This is particularly relevant in the present, when Covid-induced Sinophobia, anti-Black racism, and a reassessment of the colonial past are inspiring new movements and forging new anti-racist solidarities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kolankowska
Keyword(s):  

Ryszard Kapuściński believed that a journalist was a translator from one culture to another. Therefore, the idea of the paper is to analyse the way contemporary Polish travellers write about the Netherlands. The analysis will focus on the stances adopted by them in relation to the country and the way they determine their perspectives. The authors of the analysed books use keywords as metaphors that permit them to translate complex characteristics of the Dutch. The paper concentrates mainly on three aspects: titles, landscape and mentality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 81-96
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kmak-Pamirska

The Castle Mount, Queen Bona Mount and Mount Grabarka — the symbolism of “lesser known mountains” in the culture of the eastern regions of Poland at the turn of the 20th centuryThe aim of the article is to examine the significance of “lesser known mountains”, namely Castle Mount, Queen Bona Mount and Mount Grabarka in the cultural consciousness of people living in eastern Poland at the turn of the 20th century Podlasie and Volhynia. In folk tales the symbolism of the mountains was associated with the extraterrestrial world. Mo­untains aroused fear; they were regarded as the abodes of evil spirits and places where souls of sinners did their penance and wandered. With time the symbolism of the mountains among people living in eastern Poland began to change. At the turn of the century attempts were made to rationalise the perception of nature as well as to tame it and subordinate it to humans. Examples of such an approach include Zygmunt Gloger’s ethnographic descriptions of e.g. Castle Mount near Drohiczyn. Queen Bona Mount was to be found in Podlasie and Volhynia. A literary illustration by Halina Micińska-Kenar, entitled Pod górą królowej Bony [At the Foot of Queen Bona Mount], explores fear of the unknown — a mountain dominating the town — as well as the path of humans’ spiritual development through overcoming their weaknesses and ascending the peak. Often mountains were also associated with divine locations. An example is Mount Grabarka Podlasie, from which flows a holy spring, symbolising a holy place and a place of remembrance. An analysis of the symbolism of the mountains in Poland’s eastern region shows what places were and are regarded as mountains as well as why and what significance was attributed to these “smaller mountains” in the cultural consciousness of people living in these regions at the turn of the 20th century.


Geofizika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-59
Author(s):  
Marijan Herak ◽  
Davorka Herak ◽  
Iva Vrkić ◽  
Mladen Živčić

Analyses of available data (newspaper reports, historical and church chronicles, chronical earthquake overviews, travel books, monographies, research papers, etc.) on effects of the earthquakes that shook the greater Ormož area at the Slovenian-Croatian border in the 1838 and 1839 revealed that one of them, recorded in a number of regional and global catalogues, is in fact a fake - the earthquake of 26 August 1838 never happened. This error creeped into various reports and studies, and then into many relevant catalogues, so this event should by systematically erased from the catalogues used to estimate seismicity rates in the neighbourhoods of north-western Croatia, north-eastern Slovenia, and south-western Hungary.Regarding the earthquake of 31 July 1838, we used important new sources of information that have not been consulted in any previous study. This made inversion of macroseismic parameters more robust. Our estimates of the macroseismic moment magnitude (Mwm = 4.8) is mostly higher than the values reported in the available catalogues. Reliable information on the effects of the smaller event of 22 March 1839 were found for two localities only, so its epicentre was placed into the town of Ormož where the maximum intensity was observed. Its estimated moment magnitude (Mwm) is close to the median of values found in the six consulted catalogues that listed this event.The macroseismic epicentre of the 1838 earthquake lies close to the junction of surface traces of the Donat strike-slip fault and the reverse Čakovec fault. Based on their assumed geometry and the location of the macroseismic hypocentre, we give slight preference to the Donat fault as the seismogenic source.


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