Minority Peoples in the Union of Burma

1964 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Theodorson

The presence of large, often dissident, minority populations has been one of the most serious problems facing many of the nations which have attained independence since the close of World War II. This paper will examine the minority situation in Burma, where the problem has been of serious proportions, posing a threat to national unity and in some cases resulting in armed insurrection. There are at present an estimated 11,000 insurgents in Burma, most of whom represent ethnic minorities.

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 4794-4810
Author(s):  
Muna Mohammed Hassoon

This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.


Author(s):  
Rosario Forlenza

This book links the emergence of democracy in Italy after World War II to human experiences and the symbolic formation of meaning in a time of political and existential uncertainty. Between 1943 and 1948 Italians experienced the most intense period of the war, with its hardship and violence, and the most intense period of social, economic, and political reconstruction, with its hopes and vitality. Unlike conventional accounts that focus on institutions, ideologies, and political norms, On the Edge of Democracy examines the aspirations, expectations, and hopes of real people in real time—the social dramas the individuals engaged with. Adopting an anthropological approach, it sees the process of democratization in Italy as analogous to a ritual passage, in which social order was suspended and then reasserted following a liminal time during which ideas and beliefs were reformulated and new meanings, symbols, and identities emerged. The period of civil war 1943–5, especially, was a time of brutality and dramatic violence as well as a critical juncture of creative existential pluralism. The events during the period following the collapse of Fascism and the disintegration of national unity created a new popular consciousness and changed the relationships among individuals, and between individual and political power. Existential crisis and lived experiences during this period of uncertainty generated new meanings, interpretations, and hopes that shaped post-Fascist democracy. Democracy in Italy was the consequence of ordinary’s people reactions to, and symbolization of, the circumstances which they went through in those extraordinary times.


2020 ◽  
pp. 21-90
Author(s):  
Stevan K. Pavlowitch

This chapter begins with the German Supreme Command's announcement of the end of operations on the 'Serbian theatre.' Following World War II, the chapter covers the various categories of prisoners of war who were coming home: those who opted for Croatia, those who originated from the annex territories and from Montenegro, those who belonged to ethnic minorities, and the sick. Almost all the Jews who remained in German captivity, including some 400 officers, survived the war. The chapter also demonstrates how Adolf Hitler wanted to destroy the 'Versailles construct' that was Yugoslavia. Serbs were to be punished; Croats brought over to the Axis; Slovenes Germanised or dispersed. It highlights the dominion of Germany in economic position, communication lines and mineral deposits. Ultimately, the chapter discusses the irrevocable decision of the Führer to carve up Greece and Yugoslavia.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuriko Nagata

From the late 19th century, a scattering of small Japanese communities gradually established themselves around the northern coast of Australia. These communities existed as ethnic minorities within already established communities of Europeans and indigenous Australians in towns such as Broome, Darwin and in the sugargrowing areas of northern Queensland. The largest of these communities were found on Thursday Island, in the Torres Strait, and Broome, in Western Australia. At the outbreak of World War II, Thursday Island was the largest Japanese community in the country.


2019 ◽  
pp. 109-142
Author(s):  
Weronika Kundera

Poland has a centuries long tradition of being a tolerant country, manifested as well by the symbolic offi cial name: Poland of Both Nations (1569–1795). Poles, Lithuanians and numerous national minorities lived side by side in the territory of the Polish Republic and today their descendants are Polish citizens. During the time of partitions Poles maintained strong national community feelings, which subsequently helped in the building of the Second Polish Republic. The reborn Poland was again a multi-national state, however, certain nationalistic feelings started to emerge. After World War II as a result of the extermination of minorities and mass resettlements, the historical multinational character disappeared and the minimal set of rights granted to minorities in the Constitution of 1952 had led to their ethnic exclusion. After March 1968, the rights of minorities had become drastically limited. This continued till the Third Republic of Poland when the policy of the Communist authorities promoting the building of Poland for the Poles had been abandoned and the new government pursued to preserve and protect national and ethnic minorities. Today, members of minorities have the same rights as ethnic Poles, and their rights are guaranteed in the Constitution of 1997 and other legislative acts including the most important one, i.e. the Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and the Regional Language of 2015, which defi nes national and ethnic minorities and determines the competences of the State bodies in the area of enforcing minorities rights. These solutions have secured Poland an opinion of a model state when it comes to the protection of minorities rights. There are nine national minorities offi cially recognised in Poland. Each has a diff erent situation resulting from historical conditions, circumstances, national stereotypes, relationship with the States of their origin and the position of the Polish minority in this State. Two main problems which minorities in Poland are facing today is their shrinking populations and threats to their culture from the Polish and global cultures. Immigration might be a possible remedy but low economic attractiveness of Poland fails to attract new immigrants which means that in the future Poland may practically become a one-nation state.


1996 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-167
Author(s):  
Daniel Kryder

No ceremonies marked the fiftieth anniversary of the wartime riots in New York, Los Angeles, Beaumont, Detroit, and Mobile. American political culture, if not recent historical analysis, continues to associate “the Good War” with national unity rather than unrest. But race tension was palpable to contemporaries. For example, ten months prior to Pearl Harbor and six months before a deadly shoot-out between black soldiers and white military policemen occurred in Fayetteville, North Carolina, that town had already earned the nickname “Uncle Sam's Powder Keg.” Less than ten miles from the city lay Fort Bragg, the nation's largest army camp, and visitors sensed a “seething undercurrent” of race friction coursing through the camp and the city. Thousands of black artillery trainees visited the downtown area each week, drinking and milling about in the streets. Because very few establishments welcomed their business, there was little else for them to do. A cab driver, asked about the city's hostile mood, replied that “the trouble is not ‘Is there trouble,’ but ‘What kind of trouble is it going to be and when is it going to pop?’” Similar questions animate this research, which explores the relationship between the Second World War mobilization and War Department practices and policies, on the one hand, and racial confrontations and violence involving soldiers, on the other.


1971 ◽  
Vol os-18 (4) ◽  
pp. 167-176
Author(s):  
Donald K. Smith

In this the third of a series of articles, entitled “Literacy–And Then ?” the author describes the communications networks of traditional societies (interpersonal), transitional societies (interpersonal and mass, not integrated), and modern societies (both kinds, integrated). After World War II, there was a breakdown of communications in transitional societies between the Europeanized elite in cities and the rural mass. But an integrated network is essential for achieving national unity, among other goals. The solution depends on achieving increased flow of information to all segments of the population, the development of middlemen, and the use of effective feedback mechanisms.


Author(s):  
Sofija Bozic

The article reviews the ideological attitudes of the Croatian writer and engaged intellectual Niko Bartulovic, in the second half of the 20 century. Bartulovic was democratically committed, a prominent opponent of extremist forces and movements of the time in politics, fascism, communism, clericalism, enthusiastic supporter of the Yugoslav idea and Yugoslavia, based on the principle of national unity. Yugoslav champion real, he accepted the existence of Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian identity along with a feeling of belonging to a single nation, while the total integration of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes left for the future. In order to prevent separatist tendencies which threatened the internal stability of Yugoslavia, stood up to calm the tension in the Serbian-Croatian relations and consensual resolution of the Croatian question in a way that will not jeopardize the existence of a common state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.


Author(s):  
Halbert Jones

World War II had a significant impact on the trajectory of postrevolutionary Mexican development. Pressure from the United States for collaboration in defense efforts and the ambivalence of the Mexican public toward an active role in the conflict posed challenges. Yet the crisis atmosphere created by the war allowed the country’s leaders to insist upon a policy of national unity. The Ávila Camacho administration was thus able to maintain a broad political coalition as it took Mexico formally into the war on the side of the Allies in 1942 and then gradually expanded the scope of the country’s participation in the conflict. Wartime conditions prompted Mexico to expand its capacities and make new demands on citizens; they served as well to accelerate the professionalization and depoliticization of the armed forces. In economic terms, the war disrupted trade with Europe but spurred US demand for the strategic outputs of Mexican mines and farms and Mexican labor. The unavailability of previously imported goods provided an impetus for a process of industrialization that would continue into the postwar period, but many workers saw their living standards fall as wartime inflation eroded their real wages. Mexico emerged from the war with a claim to regional leadership, much-improved relations with Washington, a rapidly growing industrial sector, and a political landscape considerably more stable and consolidated than it had been in the two decades immediately following the Mexican Revolution.


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