scholarly journals ‘Reconstruction’ before the Marshall Plan

2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW J WILLIAMS

As is often the case when a concept gets a new lease of life in the newspapers there has been a resurrection of interest in recent times in the concept of ‘reconstruction’. The current American administration has now undertaken not one but two major wars that have resulted in the need for reconstruction since 2001 when George W. Bush took up office in the White House. In the previous few years there were major reconstruction efforts undertaken in Bosnia (after the 1995 Dayton Accords) and in Kosovo (after the war of 1999), to name but the most obvious. Historians have to some extent taken up this cue and have been producing edited books and even full length monographs on the ‘lessons’ that we might learn from historical reconstruction efforts. There has also been a great use of conscious historical analogy by President George W. Bush. One classic example of the recent past by President Bush in a speech to the American Enterprise Institute elicited an indignant response from a number of historians in the Financial Times on the dangers of historical analogy.

2001 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Lynda W. Freeman ◽  
Robert Morgan ◽  
Tom Farquhar

In March 2002, the White House Commission on Complementary and Alternative Medicine Policy will present its recommendations to President Bush on CAM education, training, licensing, coordination of research, dissemination of informa tion, access and delivery of services. The Commission's report will have implica tions for the medical care of indigenous peoples. This article discusses traditional healing in Alaska and responds to Commission questions on traditional healer designation, selection, credentialing, licensing, preservation and the potential integration of traditional healing with conventional care. Philosophy underlying allopathic medicine and traditional healing is explained. An integrative model of care, The Circle of Healing, is described. "We are rebels, someone to flout. They drew a square that shut us out. But love and we had the will to win. We drew a circle that let them in." (Anonymous, 1997)


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Clemens

AbstractNegotiations to control and perhaps eliminate North Korea's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) appeared to achieve positive results in the 1990s. But these positive trends reversed direction in 2001–2004 under President George W. Bush. Why? This essay weighs six possible explanations. 1. progress in the 1990s as a mirage; 2. cultural differences; 3. distrust of international agreements; 4. perceptions regarding the utility of WMD; 5. internal divisions within each government and society; and 6. ulterior motives.The evidence suggests that the sixth explanation carries the most weight. Top leaders in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as well as in the United States had priorities other than arms control. Each side used arms control negotiations as an instrument to promote its political and economic agenda in other realms. Pyongyang demanded large and certain rewards to give up its main bargaining chips. North Korea's negotiating behavior suggested some willingness to freeze or eliminate WMD programs if the price were right. But Kim Jong Il's regime clearly saw its nuclear and missile capabilities as major assets not to be traded away except for very substantial security and economic rewards. For its part, the Bush White House probably worried that any accord with Pyongyang would impede Washington's larger political, military, and economic ambitions, including deployment of a national missile defense (NMD). There was also a subjective element: President Bush probably loathed Kim Jong Il and did not relish the prospect of making any compromises with evil incarnate. For enlightened self-interest to prevail, the parties could benefit from greater empathy and a quest for mutual rather than one-sided gain.


2008 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 253-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin J. McMahon

Following the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and the death of Chief Justice William Rehnquist in the summer of 2005, President George W. Bush appeared to be in alliance with conservatives in his desire to fill the two vacancies with strong ideologues who would push the Supreme Court to the right. However, after pleasing conservatives with his selection of John Roberts for one of the vacancies, President Bush angered many of his ideological brethren by choosing White House counsel Harriet Miers for the other. This article considers why the president decided on Miers and why her selection upset so many conservatives. It concludes by suggesting that Miers’s forced withdrawal represented a highpoint in the conservative effort to transform the Court.


Author(s):  
Neal F. Wilson

At a White House ceremony on July 27, 2006, President Bush signed into law the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act of 2006. At the ceremony, the President hailed the Walsh Act as being comprehensive and an important part of the “solemn responsibility” of lawmakers to protect children. Indeed, the Walsh Act is the latest in a series of federal legislation, dating back to the 1980s, which aims to protect the public, and children in particular, from becoming victims of sexual crimes. The public’s fear of the rapist and the child molester led to a great increase in the criminal penalties for sexual crimes throughout the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the imposition of federal laws focusing on these crimes. And at a time when television shows such as “To Catch a Predator” receive millions of viewers, it is clear that the nation’s fear of those who would commit sexual crimes against children, and the desire that they be brought to justice, remains at a fever pitch. By passing the Walsh Act, Congress and the President responded to a national outcry that children were not safe from sex offenders.


2020 ◽  
pp. 287-296
Author(s):  
Victoria Phillips

In the early spring of 1989, First Lady Barbara Bush received Martha Graham at the White House for a social call and a discussion of Graham’s upcoming tour, again “behind the Iron Curtain.” They exchanged gifts but also broke with protocol as they played with the Bush dogs; a relaxed familiarity infused the women’s smiles as the new pups jumped on Graham’s lap. The company would return to Poland and Yugoslavia, move to Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and then finish in Russia, appearing in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Graham prepared for the tour with a gala featuring Mikhail Baryshnikov, the newest Soviet defector, in a “premiere” of American Document, with Baryshnikov dancing and reciting words from American documents such as the Declaration of Independence. Graham would come out of retirement as a dancer, and a film of her dancing with the defector would be shown on tour. Graham recruited Barbara Bush to become gala chair, and wrote notes describing the tour plans. Although the Wall would not fall until November, the month Graham was to perform in the bloc nations, peaceful revolts began to take place in Poland and Hungary. Reserved in his approach, President Bush may not have appreciated Graham’s heavy-handed Americana. Remaining ever-contemporary, Graham’s tour scout returned from Moscow to the United States, sharing a plane with Donald Trump’s own real estate scout. The Bush tour never took place. Graham passed away on April Fool’s Day, in 1991, the same year the Cold War officially ended.


Author(s):  
Vlatko Vedral

Everybody knows a Joe. Joe is the kind of guy who was the most popular boy in class, head boy at school, the life and soul of the party, and whenever he needs something, it just seems to happen for him. This is the guy we love to hate! Why is he getting all the breaks when we have to work so damn hard? As we continue to grind out each day at work, we see Joe is the guy with a big house, fast car, and the most beautiful women swooning over him. Most men would give their right arm to have a bit of that magic. So, how does he do it? Of course, I cannot tell you for sure (if I could my next book would be a bestselling self-help book), but it should come as no surprise that people with more friends and contacts tend to be more successful than people with fewer. Intuitively, we know that these people, by virtue of their wide range of contacts, seem to have more support and opportunity to make the choices they want. Likewise, again it’s no surprise that more interconnected societies tend to be able to cope better with challenging events than ones where people are segregated or isolated. Initially it seems unlikely that this connectedness has anything to do with Shannon’s information theory; after all what does sending a message down a telephone line have to do with how societies function or respond to events? The first substantial clue that information may play some role in sociology came in 1971 from the American economist and Nobel Laureate, Thomas Schelling. Up until his time sociology was a highly qualitative subject (and still predominantly is); however he showed how certain social paradigms could be approached in the same rigorous quantitative manner as other processes where exchange of information is the key driver. Schelling is an interesting character. He served with the Marshall Plan (the plan to help Europe recover after World War II), the White House, and the Executive Office of the President from 1948 to 1953, as well as holding a string of positions at illustrious academic institutions, including Yale and Harvard.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-392
Author(s):  
Fred I. Greenstein

Just as the pre-presidential George Bush was described as a public servant who left no footprints, it is tempting to conclude that President Bush accomplished little or nothing during his time in the White House. In fact, he presided over the end of the Cold War and the largest United States military action since the Vietnam War, as well as a number of domestic achievements. Future presidents can derive positive lessons from Bush's often impressive political tactics, as well as cautions from his costly failures to make effective use of the bully pulpit and identify himself with a particular vision of the nation's future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Vesna Peno ◽  
Ivana Vesić

In this paper, we will focus on the historical reconstruction of Stevan Stojanović Mokranjac’s work in the field of melography and pedagogy of Serbian church chant. Since the prestigious status he reached among his contemporaries, as well as musicologists and music historians of the recent past, both as a melographer and expert in Serbian church chant of his time, has rarely been questioned or objectively approached, we decided to reconsider some of the dominant interpretations of his activities in this domain. For that purpose, we conducted a thorough research of archival resources and press material from the late 19th century onward aiming at a critical examination of Mokranjac’s role in the popularization of concepts of the Karlovac and Belgrade church chant styles, his undertakings in the documentation of monophonic church chants, and, finally, his approach to the teaching of chant singing in Saint Sava’s Seminary. We will underline the discrepancy between the created image of Mokranjac as an indisputable authority in the field and historical data, which point to the significance of his symbolic (and social) capital in the process of gaining broader recognition.


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