LGBT recognition in EU accession states: How identification with Europe enhances the transformative power of discourse

2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 748-772 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Vasilev
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Cultural Environment ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Transformative Power ◽  
Norm Diffusion ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Lgbt Politics ◽  
The Eu

AbstractIn the EU accession literature, there is a tendency to downplay the role of discourse in facilitating norm diffusion, particularly when domestic resistance towards European norms is strong. The assumptions in this thinking are that critical deliberations and civil society activism simply lack the potency required to elicit norm conforming behaviour in accession states and that the only realistic hope for achieving this rests with the introduction of material incentives that make the costs of normative adaptation lower than its rewards. I focus on developments in the field of LGBT politics to challenge these assumptions and to specify the conditions under which discursive strategies are likely to stimulate the domestic uptake of contentious norms. I highlight shared identity as a crucial factor in the success of discursive influence, contending that under conditions of identity convergence, a cultural environment prevails in which norm promoters can more effectively ignite a process of deliberative reflection, shame norm-violators into conformance and cultivate resonance around controversial ideas. I develop these arguments through an analysis of LGBT and accession politics in Croatia and Serbia, contending that Croatia’s strong identification with Europe accelerated LGBT recognition there while Serbia’s relatively weaker identification with Europe slowed it down.

Europejski Komitet Ekonomiczno-Społeczny Unii Europejskiej – organ reprezentacji funkcjonalnej czy instytucja fasadowa?

2016 ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Leszek Graniszewski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Conscience ◽  
The Eu

In the article the author draws his attention to the differences between the position of the Committee as a social conscience of the EU (that has been declared in the treaties and declarations) and the practical possibilities to fulfil this role and its results. The analysis featured covers the structure and the manner of operation of the Committee, and, in particular, the functions actually fulfilled by the Committee in its role of the bridge between the EU and the organised civil society.

scholarly journals Transnational Relations and Activism in International Relations: Debates and Consensus in Literature

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Ani W. Soetjipto ◽  
Arivia Tri Dara Yuliestiana
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
Transnational Advocacy ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Transnational Relations ◽  
Norm Diffusion ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

This article explores the concepts of transnational relations and activism in the study of International Relations, specifically the role of civil society in transnational advocacy. It is fascinating to discuss the role of civil society when state actors are no longer the most prominent actors in International Relations studies in the midst of globalisation. Some articles related to transnational relations have been written by the scholars of International Relations such as Thomas Risse-Kappen (1995). Even so, one of the most sophisticated concepts of transnational activism was introduced by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink (1998), in Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. In order to fully understand transnational activism in the study of International Relations, a divergent perspective can be applied. In this article, the authors aim to examine the recent debates and its counternarratives in International Relations through critical and constructivism lenses. Firstly, this article would describe the concepts of transnationalism and transnational activism in the study of International Relations (state of the art). Secondly, it would be a discussion in the literature on transnationalism and transnational activism which cover themes about norm diffusion, the ‘boomerang pattern’, political opportunity structures and accountability and effectiveness. The last part is conclusion that can be drawn from this consensus and debates in the concept of transnational activism.

scholarly journals Postsäkulares Placemaking im oberpfälzischen Konnersreuth: Sakralisierung, Kulturerbe, Eigensinn

2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Funk
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Regional Governance ◽  
Willingness To Participate ◽  
Spiritual Experiences ◽  
Birth Place ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
The Will ◽  
Therese Neumann Of Konnersreuth ◽  
The Eu

Abstract. The initiation of the beatification process of catholic stigmatist Therese Neumann of Konnersreuth/Bavaria (1898–1962) in February 2005 marks the beginning of the touristic marketing of her birth place in the context of EU-regionalization. In the case concerned, I argue, the Postsecular emerges in the evolution of new forms of EU-regional governance and in the controversial valorisation of a catholic popular cult as cultural heritage. I examine postsecular placemaking in Konnersreuth as a process, in which actors of the local civil society, the official church and the EU bureaucracy stage Therese Neumann by the valorisation of her material heritage, by sacralization and profanation. In doing this, actors renegotiate boundaries and transitions between the religious and the secular sphere, as well as between the regional, the global and the singular universality of grace. In their productions of space, local actors mediate between tourist and spiritual experiences of authenticity, between the popular demand for heritage and the awaiting for the religious event of grace. The postsecular, I argue, emerges in the insistence of parts of the local civil society to authorize the deceased Therese Neumann herself as an – though unwilling – supranatural actor in the placemaking process and in their legitimation of their own (un-)willingness to participate in the sacralization and touristification of their heritage with the will of the stigmatist. The article shows, how religious belief can play the role of a ressource as well as a disruptive factor in postsecular placemaking processes and neoliberal governing by community.

scholarly journals 'Communicating Europe': The Role of Organised Civil Society

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-31
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Monaghan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Long Line ◽  
The Eu

The European Commission’s new ‘communication strategy’ has been presented as a radically new way of bridging the gap between the citizens of the member states and the European Union (EU) institutions. However it should also be seen as the latest in a long line of attempts to solve the problems of democratic legitimacy from which the EU is said to suffer. The rhetoric of the strategy is infused with highly commendable objectives and desirable principles stating how effective communication can help the EU connect more closely with citizens, and calling upon all relevant stakeholders – specifically civil society – to contribute to this project. Democratic theories of civil society provide support for the idea that civil society can play a linkage role between citizens and political structures. But empirical research on processes of interest representation in the EU casts doubt on whether organisations purporting to represent various strands within European civil society are able and willing to help bring citizens and the EU closer together. Turning the empirical focus to the organisations themselves it becomes apparent that simply invoking civil society involvement in ‘communicating Europe’ is not a sufficient guarantee of success. Instead, the nature of the communication activities, the characteristics of the organisations in question, and the issue of funding all have implications for the role of civil society in communicating Europe.

New Responses to the Legitimacy Crisis of International Institutions: The Role of ‘Civil Society’ and the Rise of the Principle of Participation of ‘The Most Affected’ in International Institutional Law

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jochen von Bernstorff
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Civil Society Participation ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Legitimacy Crisis

Abstract The article offers a description and assessment of the most important discursive strategies used to enhance and justify various models of ‘civil-society participation’ in international institutions since the late 19th century. It starts from the assumption that the two main rationales for, or concepts of, ‘civil-society’ participation are functionalism and democratization. The article also notes that, as an offshoot of the democratization rationale, a new empirical and discursive 21st-century trend has partially replaced classic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with so-called ‘affected person’s organizations’ in international institutions. In this context, the article claims that the field of international institutional law is currently witnessing the rise of a principle of participation of ‘the most affected’. This shift arguably is an institutional strategy to respond to a profound legitimacy crisis of both international NGOs and the so-called ‘global governance’ structures shaped over the last 30 years. Against the backdrop of various theoretical approaches to the problem of representation and affectedness in political philosophy and international law, the article critically assesses if, and to what extent, the involvement of ‘the most affected’ in international organizations can alter the legitimacy resources of international law and its institutions.

The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 196-214
Author(s):  
Valentina Rita Scotti
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Discussion Forum ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Eu

After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

Pension policy in the czech republic (lessons from a comparative study with hungary and poland)

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Mora
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Pension Reform ◽  
Pension Policy ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pension Systems ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Eu

This article deals with pension policy in three most developed transition countries: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. Unreformed public pension systems suffer under a number of deficiencies and it is likely that pension policy will be a part of negotiations in the EU accession process, mainly due to its fiscal and social impacts. The progress in pension reform made so far differs broadly among those three countries. Hungary has adopted a multi-pillar system in July 1998 with a significant role of mandatory, fully funded pillar. Poland has made important preparation steps in the same direction and the laws have recently been approved by the Parliament. In the Czech Republic the main importance is still attached to the public pay-as-you-go pillar which was in 1994 complemented by private capital pension funds. This article search for explanations of this different development and makes some minimum recommendations for the Czech pension policy. A warning for the Czech government should be that the most pension reforms have been implemented in countries where the old system stood before collapse or had already collapsed. The Czech Republic should not wait until this moment and should take immediate actions to avoid this danger.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document