scholarly journals Sigur Rós: reception, borealism, and musical style

Popular Music ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tore Størvold

AbstractSince the international breakthrough of The Sugarcubes and Björk in the late 1980s, the Anglophone discourse surrounding Icelandic popular music has proven to be the latest instance of a long history of representation in which the North Atlantic island is imagined as an icy periphery on the edge of European civilization. This mode of representation is especially prominent in the discourse surrounding post-rock band Sigur Rós. This article offers a critical reading of the band's reception in the Anglo-American music press during the period of their breakthrough in the UK and USA. Interpretative strategies among listeners and critics are scrutinised using the concept of borealism (Schram 2011) in order to examine attitudes towards the Nordic regions evident in the portrayals of Sigur Rós. Reception issues then form the basis for a musical analysis of a seminal track in the band's history, aiming to demonstrate how specific details in Sigur Rós's style relate to its reception and the discourse surrounding it. The article finds that much of the metaphorical language present in the band's reception can be linked to techniques of musical spatiality, the unusual sound of the bowed electric guitar and non-normative uses of voice and language.

1987 ◽  
Vol 144 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. D. J. CAMERON ◽  
M. S. STOKER ◽  
D. LONG
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Anthony Kilick

In its stated aim of “creating cinemas not supermarkets,” the Small Cinema project voiced its alterity to the recent redevelopment of Liverpool’s city center and those of other former industrial cities throughout the Midlands and the north of the UK. These regeneration projects addressed the problem of a shrinking manufacturing base by replacing them with service industries, a move which has entailed the privatization of vast tracts of public space. Conversely, the building, functioning, and general praxis of the Small Cinema project suggests a mode of practice that more accurately fits within the paradigm of a collaborative commons than a capitalist marketplace. The project’s exemption from market criteria grants it the freedom to pursue public over private goods, thereby constituting a point of resistance to the ongoing neoliberalization of the city and changes to government policy that make it increasingly difficult for non-profit projects to exist. Historically speaking, cinemas have been accessible to the working class in a way that other artistic media have not. However, while the history of film as a tool for political subversion is well documented, less attention has been paid to the physical construction of independent cinematic space, its programming/running, and its potential as a node of resistance to neoliberal colonization. This paper uses the case study of the Small Cinema project in Liverpool as a means by which to understand how cinematic spaces can counteract the effects of policies that continue to have such a detrimental impact on the arts and education, as well as social health and well-being.


Author(s):  
Anneleen Masschelein

AbstractThis chapter presents a brief history of the dominant, Anglo-American literary advice tradition from the nineteenth century to the present as well as a state of the art of the existing scholarship on literary advice. We focus on several key moments for literary advice in the USA and in the UK: Edgar Allan Poe’s “Philosophy of Composition” (1846), the debate between Sir Walter Besant and Henry James surrounding “The Art of Fiction” (1884), the era of the handbook (1880s–1930s), the “program era” (McGurl 2009) and postwar literary advice, the rise of the “advice author” in the 1980s and 1990s, and finally advice in the “digital literary sphere” (Murray 2018). The overview captures both the remarkable consistency and the transformations of advice, against the background of changes in the literary system, the rise of creative writing, changes in the publishing world, and the rise of the Internet and self-publishing. It highlights the role of some specific actors in the literary advice industry, such as moguls, women, and gurus, and draws attention to a number of subgenres (genre handbooks, self-help literary advice, and the writing memoir),  as well as to counter-reactions and resistance to advice in literary works and in avant-garde manuals. Advice is regarded both in the context of the professionalization of authorship in a literary culture shaped by cultural and creative industries, and of the exponential increase of amateur creativity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Lewis Scarnecchia

The 'Rhodesian crisis' of the 1960s and 1970s, and the early 1980s crisis of independent Zimbabwe, can be understood against the background of Cold War historical transformations brought on by, among other things, African decolonization in the 1960s; the failure of American power in Vietnam and the rise of Third World political power at the UN and elsewhere. In this African history of the diplomacy of decolonization in Zimbabwe, Timothy Lewis Scarnecchia examines the relationship and rivalry between Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe over many years of diplomacy, and how both leaders took advantage of Cold War racialized thinking about what Zimbabwe should be, including Anglo-American preoccupations with keeping whites from leaving after Independence. Based on a wealth of archival source materials, including materials that have recently become available through thirty-year rules in the UK and South Africa, it uncovers how foreign relations bureaucracies the US, UK, and SA created a Cold War 'race state' notion of Zimbabwe that permitted them to rationalize Mugabe's state crimes in return for Cold War loyalty to Western powers.


Author(s):  
Paul O'Reilly

This article explores the academically neglected yet frequently contentious issue of regional film policy in the UK, via an analysis of the financial history of a single cultural filmmaking collective, Amber Films. Based in the North East of England, since 1969 Amber has created a rich oeuvre informed by a strong social realist ethos, and underpinned by collaborative working practices which attempt to integrate local communities into all aspects of production and exhibition. Despite the remarkable achievements the group and its work have engendered, the narrative of economic survival that frames its history is as fascinating as any formulated during the development of its feature films. Due to the fluctuating dynamics of the company’s relationships with a number of key film funding institutions and initiatives, the example of Amber provides an illuminating insight into the ambiguous paradigms that have dominated evolving cultural policies and procedures over the last four decades.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy King

AbstractWith a history spanning over 50 years, the UK Continental Shelf (UKCS) is one of the most explored and mature basins in the world. Over 44 Bbbl of reserves have been recovered from over 450 fields across the UKCS, enabled by continuous improvement in seismic, drilling and development technologies. Starting in 1965 with BP's West Sole discovery in the Southern Gas Basin, every sector of the UKCS has since opened up. But it is not just the discoveries that have characterized this ultra-mature region. It has weathered a turbulent history of oil prices, fiscal changes, an ever-changing corporate environment and the industry's worst offshore disaster, which serves as a reminder of the uncompromising conditions of the North Sea.Production peaked at the turn of the millennium, and it is only since 2013 that there has been a partial reversal of the declining trend. With discoveries getting scarcer and smaller, maintaining the trend will not be easy, especially with the number of companies exiting the region for more prospective global opportunities on the rise. However, with an estimated 10–20 Bbbl yet to find in the basin, there is still a lot to play for in the coming years.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Nikolaevna NIKOLAEVA

We study the life path and social and political activity of Joseph Galloway – one of the most outstanding members of loyalist party during the American War of Independence in the North America. The history of loyalist movement remains one of the most controversial subjects of historical research. Over past decades, the most prominent historians have not deduced the amount, social compound and motivation of loyalists. Among “anti-heroes” of American Revolution J. Galloway traditionally attracts attention of many liberal and conservative historians. We examine the origins of outlook of the leader of loyalists in Pennsylvania, study J. Galloway’s views on political reforms in a proprietary colony and discusse the concept of Plan, proposed by him during the 1st Continental Congress in September 1774. We conclude that J. Galloway’s patriotic project – vital during Stamp Act repelling movement – became outdated at the beginning of the American War of Independence. Due to the influence of “New Colonial Politics” of G. Grenville and C. Townshend, absence of much needed political reforms and the cruelty of the British soldiers congress delegates stopped to believe in possibility of the Anglo-American union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Bolton

This article analyses the British left’s response to allegations of antisemitism within the UK Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. It uses as its foil a collection of essays on the topic written over the course of the Corbyn era for leading online outlets of the contemporary Anglo-American left, and given away as a free e-book by Verso, the world’s biggest leftist publisher, during the 2019 British election campaign. On the basis of this collection, the article suggests that the Labour antisemitism crisis was the culmination of a long process of political and theoretical degeneration within the left. It argues that the tendency to reduce of the question of antisemitism to that of class “interests,” with antisemitism understood primarily as an “instrument” used by the powerful to divide the “oppressed,” leaves many leftists unable to comprehend the possibility of exterminatory antisemitism as an end-in-itself. The appeal of this approach lies in the apparent alibi against antisemitism it provides for those on the left, like Corbyn, whose interests supposedly coincide with those of “the oppressed,” and means that accusations of antisemitism within the left can be similarly denounced as cover for the underlying ‘interests’ of those making the accusation. The article argues that the insistence that the State of Israel is “a racist endeavour,” a claim which lay at the heart of the Labour antisemitism dispute, rests upon an arbitrary and ahistorical rejection of the notion of Jewish peoplehood. This critique itself draws upon a long history of right-nationalist and liberal-republican antisemitism in which Jews were viewed as an illegitimate “anti-nation,” and in its partiality is radically distinct from a critique of the nation-state as such. The article suggests that this same partiality and ahistoricity reappears in the inability of a class instrumentalist perspective to apprehend the intrinsic, rather than extrinsic, relationship between Israel and antisemitism, and the genocidal antisemitism of the Holocaust in particular.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Bolton

This article analyses the British left’s response to allegations of antisemitism within the UK Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. It uses as its foil a collection of essays on the topic written over the course of the Corbyn era for leading online outlets of the contemporary Anglo-American left, and given away as a free e-book by Verso, the world’s biggest leftist publisher, during the 2019 British election campaign. On the basis of this collection, the article suggests that the Labour antisemitism crisis was the culmination of a long process of political and theoretical degeneration within the left. It argues that the tendency to reduce of the question of antisemitism to that of class “interests,” with antisemitism understood primarily as an “instrument” used by the powerful to divide the “oppressed,” leaves many leftists unable to comprehend the possibility of exterminatory antisemitism as an end-in-itself. The appeal of this approach lies in the apparent alibi against antisemitism it provides for those on the left, like Corbyn, whose interests supposedly coincide with those of “the oppressed,” and means that accusations of antisemitism within the left can be similarly denounced as cover for the underlying ‘interests’ of those making the accusation. The article argues that the insistence that the State of Israel is “a racist endeavour,” a claim which lay at the heart of the Labour antisemitism dispute, rests upon an arbitrary and ahistorical rejection of the notion of Jewish peoplehood. This critique itself draws upon a long history of right-nationalist and liberal-republican antisemitism in which Jews were viewed as an illegitimate “anti-nation,” and in its partiality is radically distinct from a critique of the nation-state as such. The article suggests that this same partiality and ahistoricity reappears in the inability of a class instrumentalist perspective to apprehend the intrinsic, rather than extrinsic, relationship between Israel and antisemitism, and the genocidal antisemitism of the Holocaust in particular.


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