Euesperides 2005: Preliminary Report on the Spring 2005 season

2005 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 135-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Wilson ◽  
Paul Bennett ◽  
Ahmed Buzaian ◽  
Ben Found ◽  
Kristian Göransson ◽  
...  

AbstractThis paper is a preliminary report on the Spring 2005 season of the excavations at Euesperides (Benghazi). Work continued in Areas P and Q, and on the processing of finds from the 2005 and previous seasons. In Area P a series of domestic deposits dated to the last quarter of the fourth or first quarter of the third century BC was excavated, including a hearth, a probable domestic altar and associated votive deposits, and a series of post-holes perhaps connected with furniture and a loom. Two small external yard areas seem to have been used for purple dye production. In Area Q late occupation to the west of the street is dated to the late fourth century BC; to the east of the street, the latest stratigraphy appears to have been truncated and the occupation levels so far excavated here date from 470 down to 300 BC.Selected finewares from the excavations are presented, ranging in date from the sixth to the third centuries BC. Work on the coarse pottery and amphora assemblages has begun to distinguish products of different production centres within Cyrenaica. Besides demonstrating the quantities of imported coarsewares from Corinth, the Aegean and the Punic world, we can now recognise four classes of Cyrenaican amphorae, including exports present at Punic Sabratha. The study of the wall plaster, environmental remains and other finds are also briefly discussed.Euesperides is a site both of archaeological importance and of considerable scientific interest for its rare wetland vegetation, but both of these aspects remain vulnerable to ongoing damage as a result of urban development, uncontrolled rubbish dumping and a lack of effective protection of the site.

1965 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
E. C. Ratcliff

It is well known that the old Syrian, or to give it a more comprehensive description, the old Eastern liturgical usage of Baptism differed markedly from that which obtained in the West. The most obvious difference is one of pattern, and appears in connection with the ceremony known to us as Confirmation. In Western usage, as we find it in North Africa, described by Tertullian at the beginning of the third century in his De Baptismo, the act of baptising is followed by two ceremonies. The first of these is an anointing with oil. Tertullian connects this anointing with that of Aaron by Moses, and ascribes to it an undefined spiritual benefit. The second ceremony is the last of the rite, and its culmination; it conveys, according to Tertullian, the gift of the Holy Spirit. ‘Dehinc,’ he says, ‘manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans et invitans spiritum sanctum. . . . Tunc ille sanctissimus spiritus super emundata et benedicta corpora libens a patre descendit.’ Shortly after the writing of De Baptismo, we meet with evidence for the existence of a similar rite at Rome. The text of Apostolic Tradition, as it has been put together from its several versions, requires to be treated with caution; but there is no doubt that Hippolytus knew a post-baptismal ceremony, comparable with the use of oil after the bath, and held to apply, ώς μύρῳ, the powers of the Holy Spirit, to those who have newly come up from the ‘bath’ (λουτρόν) of Baptism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 155-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Wilson ◽  
Paul Bennett ◽  
Ahmed Buzaian ◽  
Vanessa Fell ◽  
Kristian Göransson ◽  
...  

AbstractThis article reports on the third season of the current project at Euesperides (Benghazi). A programme of geological augering has begun to investigate the presumed location of the ancient harbour and the process by which the harbour and neighbouring lagoon silted up during antiquity. Continued excavation in Area P has revealed two phases of buildings, with a plain pebble floor of the fourth century BC and mixed pebble and irregular tesserae floors of the late fourth/early third century BC. In Area Q work has identified buildings either side of a street, and two phases of city defences; outside the defences excavation has confirmed the continuation of a linear quarry ditch. In Area R the occupation sequence has been elucidated and it seems that the two main phases of purple dye manufacturing activity, using Murex trunculus shellfish, follow the abandonment of a courtyard house. Comprehensive study and quantification of coarsewares and transport amphorae has begun alongside continued study of the finewares, and confirms a wide range of trading contacts. The excavations have also produced evidence for the minting of silver coinage at Euesperides.


1975 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Colyer

During 1970–2 three sites on the western defences of the lower Roman and medieval town were examined. The earliest defences, which consisted of a rampart fronted by a stone wall 5 feet (1·5 m.) wide, and a ditch-system, were built in the late second or early third century. At some later date, interval-towers were added to the back of the wall: that at The Park was replaced by a new gateway which was rebuilt in the later fourth century. There was slight evidence that the other gate presumed to lie on the west side of the lower town at West Parade was rebuilt at the same time. North of this, on Mother by Hill, the third-century interval-tower was partially demolished in the fourth century and replaced by an internal platform. There was contemporary thickening or rebuilding of the wall at various other points, including either side of the gate at The Park. At some time in the late Roman period a new wider ditch was dug.The Roman defences continued substantially in use throughout the medieval period, although the gateway at The Park was no longer functioning. In the thirteenth century the line of the western defences was extended southwards to the Brayford Pool, terminating in the circular Lucy Tower. North of the tower, the new defences comprised a stone wall 7 feet (2·1 m.) wide and a ditch whose size could not be determined.The excavations also revealed interesting but fragmentary information about occupation within the defences. There were Roman buildings as far south as The Park from the Flavian period.


1973 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan D. McWhirr

SummaryThe 1969–72 excavations have concentrated on two main areas to be affected by the proposed relief road around Cirencester. In insula XII two houses, apparently constructed in the second half of the third century A.D., have been uncovered and planned. A total of twelve mosaics were found in varying states of preservation. Building XII, I was rectangular with a bath suite to the west, whilst the latest phase of XII, 2 resembled the plan of a winged corridor villa. From this building came evidence of iron working. Both buildings continued to be used in the fourth century and there is slight structural evidence suggesting fifth century occupation.To the west of Cirencester excavation of a late Roman cemetery has produced 268 burials, not all of which were complete, and a small number of associated finds. All but one were inhumations and two were in stone coffins. The skeletons have been studied by Dr. C. Wells and a short report on his work is included. Work has also been carried out on a road leading towards the amphitheatre. To the north of this road was a boundary(?) wall. Other excavated sites are mentioned in this report. Several interesting pieces of Roman sculpture were found.Two appendices are included which discuss the mosaics and inscriptions found during the period under review.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 353-373
Author(s):  
Andrzej Hołasek

At the beginning of the fourth century the legal situation of Christians in the Roman Empire changed dramatically. Thanks to the Emperor Constantine they were no longer persecuted, and their faith became religio licita. From that point onwards the views of Christians on the state began to evolve. It was a long-term process, and happened at a varied pace. One of the aspects of this transformation was the change of Christian attitude to military service. It needs to be said that, from this perspective, the Church legislative sources have not been examined in a great detail. This article aims to take a closer look at several of the sources that include Church regulations relating to military service of the fourth and fifth cen­turies. These include, i.a., Canons of Hippolytus; Letters of St. Basil; Apostolic Constitutions and Canons of the Apostles. In addition, the article discusses the rel­evant contents of synodal and council canons from said period. These regulations show the adaptation of Church legislature to the new circumstances, in which the Roman state stopped being the persecutor and became the protector of Christianity. The analysis of numerous documents confirms that Christians were present in the Roman army already in the third century. Because of the spilling of blood and the pagan rites performed in the army, the Church hierarchs strongly resisted the idea of allowing Christians to serve in the military. Church regulations from the third century strictly forbade enlisting in the army, or continuing military service for those who were newly accepted into the community, for the reasons mentioned above. From other documents, however, we learn that the number of Christians in the army was nonetheless increasing. Many were able to reconcile military service with their conscience. At the beginning of the fourth century emperor Constantine granted Christians religious freedom. He allowed Christian soldiers to abstain from invoking pagan gods while swearing military oath (sacramentum), and to participate in Sunday services. The empire was slowly becoming a Christian state. It is for this reason that in the Church regulations from the fourth and fifth century we find accep­tance for the presence of Christians in the army. Even though killing of an enemy required undertaking penance, it was no longer a reason for excommunication with no possibility of returning to the Christian communion. The Church expected Christian soldiers to be satisfied with their wages alone, and to avoid harming oth­ers through stealing, forced lodging or taking food. The Church in the East no lon­ger considered it wrong to accept gifts for the upkeep of clergy and other faithful from the soldiers who behaved in a correct manner. From the mid-fourth century performing religious services started being treated as separate from performing a layperson’s duties. For this reason the bishops, in both parts of the empire, de­cided that clergy are barred from military service. In the West, those of the faithful who enlisted with the army after being baptised could no longer be consecrated in the future. In the East, the approach was less rigorous, as the case of Nectarius, the Archbishop of Constantinople, shows. By the end of the fourth century, the West adopted very strict rules of public penance for soldiers – the Popes reminded in their letters to the bishops in Spain and Gaul that after performing the public pen­ance, the soldiers were forbidden to return to the army. We should not forget that the change in the attitude of the Church to military service was also affected by the political-military situation of the Empire. During the fourth and fifth centuries its borderlands were persistently harassed by barbar­ian raids, and the Persian border was threatened. Let us also remember that the army was not popular in the Roman society during this period. For these reasons, the shifting position of the Church had to be positively seen by the Empire’s ruling elites. The situation became dramatic at the beginning of the fifth century, when Rome was sacked by barbarians. Developing events caused the clergy to deepen their reflections on the necessity of waging war and killing enemies. Among such clergymen was St. Augustine, in whose writings we may find a justification of the so-called just war. Meanwhile, in the East, the view that wars can be won only with God’s help began to dominate.


2003 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-87
Author(s):  
Antony Kropff ◽  
Jos P.A. Van der Vin

The coin series from sites in the Dutch River area show a break during the last three decades of the third century and the first decade of the fourth century AD. Coins minted for Aurelian and his successors to the throne up to Constantine I are very scarce for all sites. The break has been interpreted to indicate the end of occupation of castella and settlements around AD 275. When the site finds from the Dutch River area are presented in the form of an adapted histogram however, the coin series show a striking similarity to site finds from Roman Britain, where, on the whole, continuity was safeguarded during the third century. The article argues that this gap in the coin series – detectable all over the western part of the Roman Empire – is caused by the special character of coin circulation during this period in the west and does not indicate the end of activities on the site that provided the coins. Coin finds even seem to suggest continuity during this period for a number of sites in the Dutch River area.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Brent Arehart

Abstract On the basis of two neglected testimonia, this short note argues that the terminus ante quem for Philippos of Amphipolis (BNJ 280) should be moved forward to the third century or to the early fourth century c.e. if not earlier.


1963 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest Greenfield

SummaryTwo shrines of circular and polygonal shape, probably part of a larger group, were erected early in the second half of the third century A.D., and occupied until late in the fourth century. The shrines occur in an area of widespread settlement dating from the late Iron Age until the end of the fourth century. Many objects of bronze and iron of ritual significance, together with a large number of votive deposits and coins, were recovered from the circular shrine. Miss M. V. Taylor's discussion of the principal objects appears on pp. 264–8.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-162
Author(s):  
Paul Roochnik

The title Kalila wa Dimna first came to my attention long ago in my secondyear of Arabic language study. Ahmad Amin mentions Kalila waDimna in passing in his autobiography, Hayati (Cairo: 1952), an excerpt ofwhich I read in Farhat Ziadeh’s Reader in Modern Literary Arabic. Overthe years, I tried occasionally to read a bit of the original and found the classicalArabic intimidating. The task of reviewing Munther Younes’s retellingof these stories represented the opportunity to taste the stories’ flavor withoutthe drudgery of dictionary look-up. Among other accomplishments,Younes simplifies the grammar and lexicon to the point where intermediatestudents of Arabic will understand what they read without excessive struggle.This review will touch upon the structure and substance of Kalila waDimna itself and Younes’ approach to retelling the stories and their utilizationas an Arabic language teaching tool.In the West, most of us hear and then read Aesop’s Fables as children.These stories, which date back as far as 620 BCE, feature anthropomorphicanimals who play out their dramas and conflicts in order to teach a moral.Kalila wa Dimna, attributed to the Indian author Bidpai and written inSanskrit during the third century, does much the same, but also includes asmattering of human characters. As Younes tells us, the Sassanid KingKhosro Anoushrawan sent his physician Burzuwayh to India to collect andtranslate Bidpai’s fables into Persian. In the process, Burzuwayh added storiesby other authors. What had now become a book was then translatedinto Syriac in 570; 200 years later, Abdullah ibn al-Muqafac translated itinto Arabic. Since its Arabization some 12 centuries ago, Kalila wa Dimna


Author(s):  
Dorothy J. Thompson

The chapter discusses inscribed bilingual dedicatory plaques made of metal, glass, and clay which were deposited as part of the foundation ritual of temples in Alexandria and elsewhere. It offers analysis of the traditions from which they came, the nature of the plaques themselves—their number, the materials of which they were formed, the writing and scripts that they bore—and the more general historical significance of the dedicatory practice in which they were involved. Plaques so far discovered are from a limited period in the second half of the third century BC; the dedications they record are royal dedications of temples, shrines, and other related structures, made to a variety of local gods; although the majority of examples are from Alexandria and immediately neighbouring areas, it is notable that this was not a phenomenon confined to the capital (examples survive from elsewhere in Egypt—from Taposiris Magna, along the coast to the west of Alexandria, and from Koussai in Middle Egypt).


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