The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: China's Changing Influence in Central Asia

2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 989-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chien-peng Chung

China, Russia and the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan formed the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) in 2001. China's backing for an SCO charter, permanent secretariat and anti-terrorism centre for the past three years reflects its desire to strengthen the SCO in countering United States influence in Central Asia. Diplomatically, China fears that the American presence means that regional states will be less accommodating to China's political demands. Economically, China worries that the United States' support for American petroleum companies will compromise Chinese efforts to wrest concessions from Central Asian governments. Security-wise, with bases close to China's western borders, Washington can assist Beijing in flushing out Xinjiang separatists operating in Central Asia, or put military pressure on China, should it be perceived as a threat. The American presence and resurgent Russian involvement in Central Asia seem to have put China's influence in the region on the defensive.

2005 ◽  
Vol 104 (684) ◽  
pp. 331-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Brill Olcott

The United States, Russia, and China have spent the past few years jockeying for position in the region…. [But] the challenges facing Central Asian states remain largely unchanged, and governments there have received few new tools to address them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.


Subject US relations with Central Asia. Significance US Secretary of State John Kerry visited Central Asia in early November, in an effort to boost Washington's influence in a region that is increasingly dominated by Russia and also China. Central Asian states worry that the region has declined in importance for the United States, owing to Washington's overall drawdown of forces in Afghanistan. Impacts Over-reliance on remittances will pose major risk to Central Asian economies. Central Asian states will continue to try and extract concessions from United States, Russia and China. Washington will diminish its public criticism of human rights abuses in Central Asia but maintain pressure in private.


2020 ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
Selena Stejaru

In recent years, we have seen an aggravation of relations between the leading nuclear powers. These relations have entered a phase of irreconcilable contradictions and political problems. This paper is devoted to the problem of preserving the nuclear-free status of Central Asian countries. The study of this issue is very relevant in the context of the intensified global geopolitical struggle between Russia, China, the United States, and Iran. The authors used the method of expert survey and scenario approach to study the stated issues. Based on the data obtained, scenarios for the development of the geopolitical situation in the region under consideration were developed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Khayrulla Umarov ◽  
Kimberly Millier

This paper explores the relationship between Russia and China within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Originally created to resolve the border issues among the Central Asian countries, Russia, and China, the organization is now focused on ensuring regional security in Central Asia. In the reapproachment of the SCO member countries, a divergence of interests emerged, primarily between Russia and China. This article presents the views of experts and specialists from Russia, China, and the United States regarding the divergence of interests and the perceived influence of the United States in the region.


Author(s):  
E. Ionova

The Taliban’s (terrorist organization banned in Russia) victory in Afghanistan creates new threats and challenges to the countries of Central Asia. At the same time, the attitude of the Central Asian republics to the new government is significantly different. While Tajikistan is not yet ready to establish ties with the Taliban, Uzbekistan, interested in economic projects with Afghanistan, aims to develop good-neighborly relations with the Taliban. In the context of the aggravation of the situation on the southern borders of the CIS, cooperation between Russia and the countries of the region in the field of security is strengthening, which increases its role in Central Asia. Having carried out the withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan, the United States does not abandon its attempts to gain a foothold in the region, seeking to involve the Central Asian countries in solving their problems. At the same time, proposals are being put forward that may create additional difficulties for the Central Asian republics.


Author(s):  
Zabikhulla SAIPOV

This article tries to shed light on important aspect of the United States education diplomacy in the countries of Central Asia since they proclaimed their independence in 1991. American investments into the region surpass any other regional or global competitor by its depth, breadth and quality. The piece concludes that due to imminent distrust of authorities in the region overwhelming majority of U.S. undergraduate, graduate and exchange programs alumni could not fulfill their full potential over the past years and had to return back to either U.S. or elsewhere that was a result of classic case of brain drain and a pure instinct of personal choice and survival.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520
Author(s):  
Kurt Radtke

AbstractGeopolitics in Central Asia are not wholly determined by its giant neighbors China, India, and Russia, but the strategic approaches adopted by these three countries have a major impact on the dynamics of Central Asia. This contribution aims to throw more light on the nature of the strategic and security discourse between China and India as one way to increase our understanding of the context in which Central Asian states operate. Despite globalization, Asian governments tend to cling to static approaches. China in particular emphasizes the role of "large powers" (daguo) in determining the global structure, and regards itself as one of those large powers. Cooperation with other powers demands a minimum level of agreement on common goals for the future global system, but recent emphasis on moral, and thus ideological elements in US global strategies has the potential to reimpose ideological polarization on the global system. Countries in Southeast or Central Asia tend to adopt policies of diversification by strengthening their links with all major global powers, including the United States, hoping to avoid polarization while at the same time staying clear of bandwagoning. This is one of the reasons why the New Great Game cannot simply be described in terms of Great Powers that engage among themselves in maneuvers of bandwagoning and balancing. Sharing concepts such as "comprehensive security" may provide greater leeway for policymakers who do not wish to become prisoners of man-made dilemmas. Nineteenth-century concepts of balance of power seem no shining beacon for policymakers of Eurasia and the United States in the twenty-first century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 88-98
Author(s):  
A. V. Toropygin ◽  
A. E. Mendagaziev

Central Asia is the union republics of former Central Asia and Kazakhstan, which became independent countries after the USSR collapse. The formation of new states and regions is associated with both internal challenges and the influence of external extra-regional forces. The purpose of the article is analyzing the interests and influence of the United States, China, and Russia on the Central Asia development, as well as the perception of these forces in the region. Various stages of this influence from the moment of its appearance to the present time are analyzed. The authors concluded that the countries of Central Asia during its independent existence perceived powers in the triangle USA — Russia — China differently, which was a prerequisite for the formation of their multi-vector foreign policy. The balance of interests of Russia’s, the United States’ and China’s presence in the region is vital for the Central Asian countries, it provides an independent foreign policy course and development of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, contributing to a stable situation in the region.


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