Ambivalent Alliance: Chinese Policy towards Indonesia, 1960–1965

2015 ◽  
Vol 221 ◽  
pp. 208-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Diplomatic History ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
First Time

AbstractFrom 1960 until 1965, the People's Republic of China (PRC) built a remarkably cordial quasi alliance with the Republic of Indonesia. At the same time, however, the years between 1960 and 1965 were marked by two large waves of anti-Chinese movements in Indonesia. Although more than half a century has passed since these events, our understanding of Chinese foreign policy towards Indonesia during these turbulent years remains incomplete. In 2008, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives declassified for the first time documents produced during the years between 1961 and 1965. However, very recently in summer 2013, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives re-classified the main body of its collection. Through examining this body of fresh but currently inaccessible official records, this article aims to bridge the gap between scholarly works on the PRC's diplomatic history and overseas Chinese history. By tracing the processes by which Chinese diplomats dealt with Sukarno, the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, and the Communist Party of Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia, or the PKI), this article argues that the ambivalent Chinese alliance with Indonesia was shaped by three disparate pressures which interacted and competed with one another: the strategic need to befriend Third World countries, ethnic ties to the Chinese in Indonesia and ideological commitment to the international communist movement.

scholarly journals Building Goodwill through Soft Power: An Analysis of China’s Reputation in Sri Lanka

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
R. D. P. Sampath Rajapakshe
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Opinion Survey ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
South Asian Region

Many researchers find out that impacted the types of Chinese foreign policy starting in the mid-1990s. However, Chinese foreign policymakers presented "New Grand Strategy" for the 21st century in the mid-1990s. This strategy exceptionally intended to advance and keep up China's image in the abroad. On the other hand, Policy observers contend introducing of the South Asian region that deliberately essential to emerging China. In addition, Chinese vicinity in Sri Lanka that verbalized by policy observers numerous ways. These contentions express that China's soft power in Sri Lanka that ought to be an extraordinary choice in Chinese policy arrangement. This article investigates current appearance of China's goodwill agenda inspecting two strains of Chinese policy in Sri Lanka that breaking point to observe foreign aid and the Confucius institute that lead the Peoples' Republic of China in 2000s. The paper additionally assesses the achievement of this alleged soft power crusade in Sri Lanka utilizing a worldwide overview to figure out whether the new introduction associates with changed Sri Lankan conclusions about China. This article assesses the adequacy of these endeavors by breaking down public opinion survey accumulated by the Gallup surveying in 2011. Information utilized for this article has been gathered from a substantial number of books, periodicals, magazines, journals. My findings demonstrate that the goodwill agenda has been fruitful at enhancing China's reputation in Sri Lanka.

Migration in the Time of Revolution

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Life Experiences ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Diplomatic History ◽  
World War ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The Cold War

This book examines how two of the world's most populous countries interacted between 1945 and 1967, when the concept of citizenship was contested, political loyalty was in question, identity was fluid, and the boundaries of political mobilization were blurred. The book asks probing questions of this important period in the histories of the People's Republic of China and Indonesia. What was it like to be a youth in search of an ancestral homeland that one had never set foot in, or an economic refugee whose expertise in private business became undesirable in one's new home in the socialist state? What ideological beliefs or practical calculations motivated individuals to commit to one particular nationality while forsaking another? As the book demonstrates, the answers to such questions about “ordinary” migrants are crucial to a deeper understanding of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The book argues that migration and the political activism of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia were important historical forces in the making of governmental relations between Beijing and Jakarta after World War II. It highlights the agency and autonomy of individuals whose life experiences were shaped by but also helped shape the trajectory of bilateral diplomacy. These ethnic Chinese migrants and settlers were, the book contends, not passively acted upon but actively responding to the developing events of the Cold War. The book bridges the fields of diplomatic history and migration studies by reconstructing the Cold War in Asia as social processes from the ground up.

Policy Oscillations in the People's Republic of China: A Critique

1976 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 720-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Nathan
Keyword(s):  
Policy Change ◽  
Academic Writing ◽  
Secular Change ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Popular Press ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Secular Changes ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

That Chinese policy since 1949 has been characterized by a pattern of left-right oscillations is one of the most widespread, but least examined, assumptions among analysts of Chinese politics. In the popular press, we often read of a “return to a moderate phase” or a “resurgence of radicalism,” while in academic writing, we frequently find contemporary Chinese history set in periods according to the alternate ascendancy of “bureaucratic” or “mobilizational” “models” or of “realist” and “visionary” groups of leaders. Of course, to some extent the policy oscillations model is only a kind of shorthand, convenient for summarizing the content of policy and its changes. We all understand that there have been secular changes in China both in what has been accomplished and in the terms of policy debate. Thus, it has become increasingly common to describe the pattern of policy change in China in terms of a combination of cyclical and secular patterns, to refer to policy oscillations in passing while presenting a chronology which actually indicates secular change, to offer the oscillations model explicitly as just a convenient simplification; or to ignore oscillations entirely in discussing the development of policy.

scholarly journals The Parliament of the Republic of China

1914 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-562
Author(s):  
F. J. Goodnow
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Important Change ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Great Duration

A study of the history of China would serve to reveal the fact that notwithstanding the great duration of Chinese political life there has been comparatively speaking little change in the political organization of the country. With the exception of the abolition of, to use a European expression, the “feudal system” which existed for several centuries before about 200 B. C., Chinese history presents no instance of any important change in political forms.The character of the political organization which existed both prior and subsequent to the abolition of this “feudal system” was absolute monarchy, what is sometimes called autocracy. In this respect China differed little if any from other Asiatic peoples, whose great contribution to the political development of the human race has been the conception of an all powerful king or monarch in whom all the functions of government were concentrated.

The Remigration of Ethnic Chinese in Korea to the u.s. and Their Floating Ethnic Identity (在韓華僑赴美國的再移民及他們漂移的族群認同)

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-148
Author(s):  
Byungil Ahn (安秉馹)
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Chinese Americans ◽  
Chinese Immigrants ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The U.S

This study focuses on the meiguo hanhua (美國韓華), ethnic Chinese immigrants from Korea who migrated to the u.s., and their ethnic identities, in particular, on how they evolved into meiguo hanhua, a new sub-ethnic group of Chinese, instead of identifying themselves simply as Chinese Americans. By employing the concept of a floating ethnic identity, this study illustrates the specific historical circumstances and situations in which meiguo hanhua ethnic identities were formed, molded and redefined. It especially concerns how such identities continually adopt, struggle, and negotiate within changing global environments such as the rise of the Chinese economy and the Taiwanization of the Republic of China as well as their personal concerns such as aging and emotional attachment to Shandong province, their imagined homeland. (This article is in English.) 本文探討「美國韓華」這一族群認同（ethnic identities）所形成的歷史環境與背景。「美國韓華」指的是移民到美國的韓國華僑。從1975 到1985年之間，有 一萬四千名韓國華僑移民到美國，相當於旅韓華僑的三分之一。目前居住在美國的韓國出身的華僑人口有兩萬人。當他們在韓國被當地政府與社會的壓迫時，仍保持自己的華人身份。移民美國以後，主要來自山東的韓國華僑無法在美國華人既有的廣東系、福建系等的認同結構下找到位置，他們因此發展出自成一格的族群認同。這個族群認同並不是固定的，而是隨著國際環境的變化與個人經濟利益的考量，而在美國人、中國人、韓國人甚至是臺灣人這幾個不同的身份之間擺蕩。本文因此提出「漂移的族群認同」這一概念，來探討具體的環境和歷史條件如何影響他們在這些族群身份上的選擇和調整。

We Won’t Be Bullied Anymore

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredy González
Keyword(s):  
Financial Support ◽  
Guangdong Province ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

Chinese Mexican political and financial support in support of the Republic of China during the Second World War was motivated by a desire for ‘home’ – both the desire for peace in migrants’ home communities in Guangdong province as well as a desire for increased respect in Mexico. Activities in support of the Chinese government included monetary contributions as well as cultural activities which helped bring the community together around the country. Chinese Mexican political activities and celebrations for the first time brought them in contact with friends and neighbors in Mexico and presented an alternative image of the community.

The Legalization of Reincarnation of Living Buddha

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Zhu
Keyword(s):  
Tibetan Buddhism ◽  
Modern China ◽  
Unique Element ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Central Tibet ◽  
First Time

<p>Reincarnation of living Buddha is an important unique element in Tibetan Buddhism, and is indeed one of the crucial issues related to the “Tibetan Question”. In general, the legalization of the reincarnation has been witnessing a gradually deepening process. In 1793, the Qing court established the Golden Urn method and promulgated <i>the 29-Article Imperial Decree for Better Governing in Tibet</i>, marking the beginning of the legalization of reincarnation. In 1936, the Executive Yuan of the Republic of China approved <i>Measures on the Reincarnation of Lamas </i>which applied in peripheral regions outside Central Tibet. In 2007, the People’s Republic of China issued <i>Measures on the Management of the Reincarnation of Living Buddhas</i> that for the first time brought all the reincarnation systems in line with the rule of law. Historically, the legalization of reincarnation was the result of the game between secular regimes and Tibetan Buddhism sects. In essence, the legalization of reincarnation in modern China is rooted in a particular historical continuity since the Qing dynasty. The article aimed to develop a better understanding of the reasons underlying the legalization of reincarnation and provide the theoretical basis and factual basis for solving the current crucial issues surrounding reincarnation. It also discussed the crucial questions around reincarnation based on the legalization history of reincarnation.</p>

Sun Yat-sen and the 1911 Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael G. Murdock
Keyword(s):  
Qing Dynasty ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
Document Collections ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
French Quarter ◽  
The 1911 Revolution ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Foreign Ministry

Sun Yat-sen (generally known as Sun Zhongshan孫中山or Sun Wen孫文 in Chinese) plays a central role in the national narratives of both the Republic of China on Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China, which lionize him as a “national hero” of gigantic proportions and the determined revolutionary who brought low the Qing dynasty. Sun’s formative and early revolutionary years were spent overseas studying or in exile to avoid arrest by Qing authorities, exposing him to foreign contacts, ideals, and funding. Although a stalwart patriot, Sun spent little time in China itself, viewed the world through Christian lenses, and routinely sought foreign aid. In 1911, Sun’s Tongmenghui, or Revolutionary Alliance, overthrew the Qing dynasty, ending two millennia of imperial rule and propelling China into a new stage of sociopolitical development under the Republic of China. The earliest literature on the 1911 Revolution narrated revolutionary events and explained the Qing’s fall as the result of Sun’s foreign connections. Subsequent explanations turned inward, examining factors, figures, events, changes, and participants within China itself. By 1971, studies on local and provincial connections to the 1911 Revolution became popular, spiking every decade. In 2011, the centenary of the 1911 Revolution, interest exploded, producing waves of symposia, document collections, exhibitions, monographs, and articles. Unfortunately for Sun, his 1911 Revolution failed to produce the society of his dreams. He served as the Republic of China’s provisional president in 1912, but soon found himself exiled again, banished by the usurper Yuan Shikai and his military dictatorship. Sun spent years planning a comeback, first against Yuan and then against the disastrous warlord regimes that followed. Sun’s semi-exiled life in the French quarter in Shanghai and mounting failures vis-à-vis warlord regimes, however, dimmed his international reputation. Newspapers and foreign ministry documents alike portrayed Sun as a fallen figure. Nevertheless, these years in the wilderness drove Sun to carefully rethink China’s state-building challenges. He wrote extensively, meticulously planning China’s future political and economic development. Moving to Guangzhou at the invitation of reformist warlord Chen Jiongming, Sun tried to build a movement that could unify China. Chen, however, preferred provincial development over national unification and drove Sun from Guangzhou, Desperate, Sun opened negotiations with Soviet agents in 1923. Mercenary troops helped Sun regain a foothold in Guangzhou, whereupon Soviet advisors and Chinese communists alike helped him launch another revolution. Accounts from the period painted Sun as a leftist radical or “Bolshevik.” Criticisms haunted Sun until his death from liver cancer in 1925.

China's America Watchers: Changing Attitudes Towards the United States

2000 ◽  
Vol 161 ◽  
pp. 41-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip C. Saunders
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Theoretical Orientations ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Research Institutes ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Changing Attitudes

The People's Republic of China (PRC) has hundreds of analysts who interpret American policy for a Chinese audience. Some hold positions in government ministries, but many are in semi-official research institutes. These “America watchers” advise Chinese policy-makers and write internal papers which circulate among the top leadership. By influencing how China's leaders view the United States, they indirectly help shape policy. This article describes the community of America watchers and examines the theoretical orientations they use to understand international relations and to think about the United States. By surveying Chinese interpretations of Sino-U.S. relations during the 1990s, it seeks to evaluate how well China's America watchers understand the United States and assess their influence on Chinese foreign policy.

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