The Remigration of Ethnic Chinese in Korea to the u.s. and Their Floating Ethnic Identity (在韓華僑赴美國的再移民及他們漂移的族群認同)

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-148
Author(s):  
Byungil Ahn (安秉馹)

This study focuses on the meiguo hanhua (美國韓華), ethnic Chinese immigrants from Korea who migrated to the u.s., and their ethnic identities, in particular, on how they evolved into meiguo hanhua, a new sub-ethnic group of Chinese, instead of identifying themselves simply as Chinese Americans. By employing the concept of a floating ethnic identity, this study illustrates the specific historical circumstances and situations in which meiguo hanhua ethnic identities were formed, molded and redefined. It especially concerns how such identities continually adopt, struggle, and negotiate within changing global environments such as the rise of the Chinese economy and the Taiwanization of the Republic of China as well as their personal concerns such as aging and emotional attachment to Shandong province, their imagined homeland. (This article is in English.) 本文探討「美國韓華」這一族群認同(ethnic identities)所形成的歷史環境與背景。「美國韓華」指的是移民到美國的韓國華僑。從1975 到1985年之間,有 一萬四千名韓國華僑移民到美國,相當於旅韓華僑的三分之一。目前居住在美國的韓國出身的華僑人口有兩萬人。當他們在韓國被當地政府與社會的壓迫時,仍保持自己的華人身份。移民美國以後,主要來自山東的韓國華僑無法在美國華人既有的廣東系、福建系等的認同結構下找到位置,他們因此發展出自成一格的族群認同。這個族群認同並不是固定的,而是隨著國際環境的變化與個人經濟利益的考量,而在美國人、中國人、韓國人甚至是臺灣人這幾個不同的身份之間擺蕩。本文因此提出「漂移的族群認同」這一概念,來探討具體的環境和歷史條件如何影響他們在這些族群身份上的選擇和調整。

2015 ◽  
Vol 221 ◽  
pp. 208-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou

AbstractFrom 1960 until 1965, the People's Republic of China (PRC) built a remarkably cordial quasi alliance with the Republic of Indonesia. At the same time, however, the years between 1960 and 1965 were marked by two large waves of anti-Chinese movements in Indonesia. Although more than half a century has passed since these events, our understanding of Chinese foreign policy towards Indonesia during these turbulent years remains incomplete. In 2008, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives declassified for the first time documents produced during the years between 1961 and 1965. However, very recently in summer 2013, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives re-classified the main body of its collection. Through examining this body of fresh but currently inaccessible official records, this article aims to bridge the gap between scholarly works on the PRC's diplomatic history and overseas Chinese history. By tracing the processes by which Chinese diplomats dealt with Sukarno, the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, and the Communist Party of Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia, or the PKI), this article argues that the ambivalent Chinese alliance with Indonesia was shaped by three disparate pressures which interacted and competed with one another: the strategic need to befriend Third World countries, ethnic ties to the Chinese in Indonesia and ideological commitment to the international communist movement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-76
Author(s):  
Cmr. Zhuangsheng

In the sixteenth century, the Sibe people emerged as a unique ethnic group, and they remained a unique ethnic group after their migration to the Ili River basin. In the Republic of China, a time when many ethnic systems were created, the Sibe gained official recognition for being an independent ethnic group. Although the creation of a written script is an act of ethnic construction, the Sibe written language could never break free of its close relation to the Manchu written language. The construction of ethnic groups and the creation of written scripts stimulated vigorous development of ethnic histories compiled by the Sibe scholars, and it is their textual research of ethnic origin that best illustrates the birth of this new ethnic group.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 651-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
Indrek Jääts

The Setus are an ethnic group, small in numbers, in the southeastern part of the Republic of Estonia and the Russian territories bordering on Estonia (Petseri raion of the Pskov oblast). The Setus can be seen as ethnographic raw material that both Estonian and Russian nationalists have attempted to claim. Generally, the Setus has been viewed as an ethnographic subgroup of Estonians and their language as part of the South Estonian dialect. Unlike the Estonians, who are predominantly Lutheran by tradition, the Setus are Orthodox. The specific characteristics of the Setus have emerged as a result of the combined influence of religious and linguistic peculiarities and a historic fate that is different from the Estonian. Because of the fact that they were considered Estonians when the censuses took place, the exact number of the Setus is unknown; however, I estimate the number of the Setus living in Setumaa and in Estonian towns to be about 5,000–6,000.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 158-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Cha

In East Asia the United States cultivated a “hub and spokes” system of discrete, exclusive alliances with the Republic of Korea, the Republic of China, and Japan, a system that was distinct from the multilateral security alliances it preferred in Europe. Bilateralism emerged in East Asia as the dominant security structure because of the “powerplay” rationale behind U.S. postwar planning in the region. “Powerplay” refers to the construction of an asymmetric alliance designed to exert maximum control over the smaller ally's actions. The United States created a series of bilateral alliances in East Asia to contain the Soviet threat, but a congruent rationale was to constrain “rogue allies”—that is, rabidly anticommunist dictators who might start wars for reasons of domestic legitimacy and entrap the United States in an unwanted larger war. Underscoring the U.S. desire to avoid such an outcome was a belief in the domino theory, which held that the fall of one small country in Asia could trigger a chain of countries falling to communism. The administrations of Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower calculated that they could best restrain East Asia's pro-West dictators through tight bilateral alliances rather than through a regionwide multilateral mechanism. East Asia's security bilateralism today is therefore a historical artifact of this choice.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Ford Redick

Before the Peoples Republic of China [PRC] was officially proclaimed on September 21, 1949, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party had proclaimed that the acts and foreign agreements of the Republic of China which resulted in the exploitation of China by foreigners were “completely contrary to the will of the Chinese people” and would not be honored. Although certain actions by the Chinese Communists indicated as early as February, 1949 that property owned by the U.S. Government and its nationals would be treated unfavorably by the new regime, no concerted steps were taken by the PRC against U.S. property until the United States had already placed an “embargo” on American trade with China. Only after Chinese troops had entered Korea and the U.S. Government had blocked and frozen all Chinese assets within its jurisdiction did the PRC freeze all public and private property of the United States in the PRC and order that an inventory of it be made. The PRC “assumed control of all U.S. property in China under a decree issued on December 29, 1950. ”


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina Jurva ◽  
Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti

Previous discursive research on ethnic identity has suggested the complex and multi-faceted nature of accomplishing membership in an ethnic group. In this paper, we explore how ethnic identity claims may be used as a resource in accounting for behavior seen as open to the group, namely a planned migration to one's ancestral homeland. A discursive psychological approach is used to analyze focus group data with potential ethnic return migrants, specifically, adults with Finnish roots who intend to migrate to Finland. Ethnic identity was accomplished in subtle ways by drawing on one's roots and a familiarity with Finnish culture, as well as by accomplishing a preference for Finland. Working up Finnish ethnic identity in these ways allowed participants to account for the planned migration, which was typically constructed as a natural, inevitable and/or long- and highly-desired action. The findings highlight the importance of considering the social action of ethnic identity talk, particularly in light of previous studies that have found ethnic return migrants' pre-migration ethnic identities to be pronounced.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53
Author(s):  
_ _

Abstract The identities of Chinese immigrants and their organizations are themes widely studied in existing literature but the link between them remains under-researched. This paper seeks to explore the role of Chinese ethnicity in Chinese immigrants’ self-organizing processes by empirically studying Chinese community organizations in South Australia. It finds that Chinese immigrants have deployed ethnic identities together with other social identities to call different organizations into being, which exerts an important influence on the emergence and performance of the five major types of Chinese community organizations active in South Australia. Moreover, the ways in which Chineseness is deployed have been heavily influenced by three factors within and beyond the community. These factors are the transformation of the local ethnic-Chinese community, changing socio-political contexts in Australia, and the rise of China. In short, the deployment of ethnic identities in Chinese immigrants’ organizing processes is instrumental, contextual, and strategic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Takovski

Most ethnic humour that has been studied so far consists of jokes which use ethnically non-specific qualities such as stupidity or canniness in order to ridicule an ethnic group and thus to preserve and perpetuate ethnically based social hierarchies in western industrial societies. In light of this dominant logic in ethnic humour theory, the objective of this study is to problematize the relation of such non-ethnic qualities and the notion of ethnic identity, as well as their relation to a specific type of society, in an attempt to convincingly argue in favour of the need to differentiate between ‘ethnically-empty’ functional joke scripts and genuine ethnic joke scripts that are related to the ethnic identity of the target. In so doing, I extend ethnic humour theory by introducing and testing the notion of genuine ethnic joke scripts in order to motivate future research that will tackle other potential ethnic humour idiosyncrasies. Toward this end, I have collected and analysed joke material (N=369) coming from Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Albania, societies with histories and relations very different that those in the western industrial societies. Additionally, the study incorporates two questionnaires with members of the two largest ethnicities in the Republic of Macedonia, Macedonians and Albanians, to ascertain the relation between the genuine ethnic humour and ethnic identity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-215
Author(s):  
Andrea Louie (吕美玲)

AbstractComparing and contrasting two of my previous research projects, both of which focus on Chinese American youths, I examine the ways that the circumstances of their upbringings shape their relationships with China as a homeland, with the U.S. as their country of residence, and with their Chinese identities more broadly. In the process, I consider the future of diasporic relationships with the Chinese homeland as they are shaped by the politics of belonging in both the U.S. and the People’s Republic of China (PERC). The first project, conducted as multi-sited research during the 1990s, focuses on American-born Chinese Americans (ABCs) who participate in a Roots-searching program in the San Francisco Bay Area. The second project focuses on Chinese adoptees who, born in China, relinquished by birth families, and adopted, usually by white families in the U.S., share some similarities with ABCs in terms of the ways in which they are racialized in U.S. society.


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